Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract Introduction
The issue of dual citizenship remains one of the main policy challenges in the Islamic Republic of Iran. This is largely due to the absence of a comprehensive and strategic approach, as well as differing governmental views on the subject. In contrast, many other countries have developed practical policies to manage the legal, political, and social dimensions of dual nationality.
This study examines the experiences of selected countries and evaluates their approaches to dual citizenship through the lens of national power. The central question is: “What lessons can Iran learn from other countries’ approaches to dual citizenship to improve its policymaking?”
The main hypothesis proposes that, while some countries still reject dual citizenship as a threat to their national power, many others have adopted a more pragmatic and positive view. These countries have reformed domestic laws and used international legal frameworks to minimize potential risks while turning dual citizens into a strategic asset for strengthening their national power.
 
Methodology
Where traditional perspectives tend to treat nationality and dual nationality in rigid legal or political terms, this study adopts a modern and qualitative approach. Using library-based research—including books, scholarly articles, and legal documents—it traces the evolution of attitudes toward nationality and dual nationality within the broader concept of national power, understood as the combination of a nation’s material and immaterial capabilities within its political and geographic boundaries.
 
Findings and Discussion
A review of global perspectives reveals a broad range of attitudes toward dual citizenship, from restrictive to permissive. Some countries, including China, Russia, and Japan, do not permit dual citizenship for their nationals, emphasizing the decisive role of population in national power. These countries often impose penalties, such as banning dual nationals from holding government positions.
In contrast, some countries argue that population size is no longer the primary determinant of power or security in the modern world. Consequently, they impose no restrictions on their citizens acquiring foreign citizenship. Indeed, global shifts in power structures, the expansion of digital communication that transcends borders, and the growing competition for human and financial capital have all prompted many states to reconsider their policies.
Today, many countries have adopted a more open approach to dual citizenship. On the one hand, they now recognize it for their citizens and have even amended domestic laws to facilitate this process. On the other hand, they have created internal legal frameworks and drawn upon international legal mechanisms to prevent potential political and legal complications arising from dual citizens. Recognizing the individual right to hold dual nationality, revising laws to ease travel and investment for dual citizens, and allocating parliamentary seats to citizens living abroad—many of whom hold dual nationality—are among the measures taken by countries with a balanced and pragmatic stance toward this phenomenon. At the same time, in terms of legal deterrence, these countries have sought to rely on internationally accepted doctrines and principles—such as the principle of state non-responsibility, the rule of primary nationality, and the theory of effective nationality—to manage potential political and legal challenges posed by dual citizens.
In Iran’s case, despite having between five and eight million citizens living abroad—many of whom are dual nationals—the country still lacks a unified policy on the issue. Although recent initiatives have taken a more moderate stance, inconsistencies remain. For instance, Iranian law prohibits dual nationals from public employment but allows them to serve as advisors, creating legal ambiguity and policy inefficiency.
Nevertheless, Iran’s recent approach signals a gradual shift toward engaging Iranians abroad as part of its broader strategy to enhance national power. Given that power today encompasses economic, cultural, and social dimensions—not only military and political ones—the Iranian diaspora can play a constructive role in countering anti-Iran sentiment and promoting international cooperation.
 
Conclusion
Dual citizenship has become a global phenomenon affecting nearly every country. States can broadly be divided into two categories: those that perceive it as a national threat (negative view) and those that see it as an opportunity (positive view). In Iran, although a negative attitude has long dominated, policymakers have increasingly recognized the need for reform. Recent years show a slow but clear movement toward acceptance and engagement with dual nationals as potential contributors to national development and diplomacy. Thus, while security concerns persist, the prevailing trend in Iran is shifting toward a more balanced and constructive view of dual citizenship as part of its national power.
Given these considerations, it is evident that formulating a coherent and strategic policy to address the issue of dual-national Iranians requires drawing upon the experiences of other countries. As the study findings indicate, although some nations—similar to the prevailing perspective in Iran—still view dual citizens as a potential threat to national cohesion and power, many others have recognized dual citizenship as a global reality. By moving beyond a purely negative or positive perception and adopting strategic policies aimed at maximizing engagement within a secure framework, these countries have managed to transform the challenges into a political, economic, and social opportunity both domestically and internationally.
In this regard, to address the question of dual-national Iranians while safeguarding national interests, Iran could initially follow the example of countries that regard dual citizenship as a personal matter, and subsequently establish mechanisms for mutual interaction between the government and dual citizens, paving the way for a comprehensive resolution of this issue.
 

Abstract Introduction
In the context of policy-making, the extent to which Iran’s security apparatus addresses both internal and external threats to national security in the southeast region has significant implications for the challenges and future security of the Sistan and Baluchistan province. This study, while analyzing security threats in the southeast region, seeks to answer the primary question: “What are the key factors in strengthening the national security of the I.R. of Iran in the face of security threats in the southeast region of the country.”
The hypothesis of this study says that “the fundamental factor in ensuring the security of the southeast region of Iran is relying on smart security, based on three elements of promoting social awareness (through social elites), economic development (through the development of economic infrastructure in the region, Makran coast, and border trade) and creating people-oriented security (relying on the experiences and roles of social elites and leaders of the Baloch people).”
Methodology
The paper tries to address the following objectives to a reliable point to present the factors for promoting Iran's national security policies in the strategic region of the country’s southeast:

a) Reconceptualizing Iran’s strategies for addressing threats and challenges in cyber/virtual space and social action environments;
b) Formulating a novel security management policy tailored to the region’s current complex conditions;
c) Proposing a model for fostering soft social security between the political system and the country's southeast region; and
d) Offering a critical analysis of Iran’s security management policy in the southeast region and envisioning a favorable scenario.

 
Result and Discussion
The research findings indicate that building “soft security” and moving away from the “hard” approach is the most effective way to enhance the region’s security. Based on this, it is emphasized that “the fundamental factor in ensuring the security of the southeast region of Iran is relying on smart security, based on three elements of promoting social awareness (through social elites), economic development (through the development of economic infrastructure in the region, Makran coast, and border trade) and creating people-oriented security (relying on the experiences and roles of social elites and leaders of the Baloch people).”
However, the ethnic-religious sentiments in the southeast of Iran and the mental frameworks developed among the Baloch about themselves and others have been significant contributors to security instability. Expecting stable security in this region would be unrealistic unless the government alleviates the sense of relative deprivation and the tangible indicators of such deprivation. Therefore, instead of merely addressing the symptoms in security domains, we should seek the root causes. Concentrating on breaking the vicious circle of “ethnic-religious tensions”, “modern ignorance”, and “poverty and economic inequality” could be highly beneficial in this regard.
In addition, considering the following recommendations can inspire policymakers to make better decisions in order to improve the security structure of the region:

Launching swift initiatives to address economic issues by establishing economic and manufacturing entities across the entire province of Sistan and Baluchistan;
Fostering the cooperative sector with the aim of job creation, promoting social equity, and empowering the middle and lower-income segments of the community;
Implementing and advancing sustainable development and security strategies, and pursuing a unified approach among all local, provincial, and national authorities;
Establishing enduring and long-term (sustainable) economic prospects for the region’s inhabitants, such as advancing the development plan for the Makran coast;
Utilizing the potential and diversity of tribes, ethnic groups, and religions, securing the approval of local residents and Sunni religious authorities for the execution of development initiatives in the province, and prioritizing underprivileged areas;
Establishing a unique economic zone and a maritime-focused economy, giving adequate consideration to tourism and leisure service sectors, as well as setting up desalination facilities to supply potable water to towns and villages;
Strengthening cultural foundations and bridging cultural divides through media, public education, higher institutions, and religious centers; and

● Encouraging intercultural dialogues and fostering social and economic interactions among religions, while setting aside ethno-religious tensions.