Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract Abstract: the main problem of this article is to analyze findings and difficulties of Barry Buza's researches in security studies. The question of article is: what is the role of Buzan in development of security studies and what are his theories paradoxes and ambiguities? Author assumes some ambiguities and paradoxes in Buzan thoughts and  his hypothesis is that, Buzan has developed security studies by proposing the need to pass from strategic studies to security studies, emphasizing on social/political aspects of security, and specially discussing mysterious nature of security in international system. Meanwhile Buzan's arguments and conclusions about societal security, source of security, regional level of analysis, and securitization/de-securitization weakens validity and generalizations of his findings.  Methodology of this research is "text based hermeneutics. According to this method, we first explain the theory and then criticize it.

Abstract This Article tries to answer this question: which theory can help us to understand & explain the Nature of Arab World Changes in the nature of Arab World Changes in sol, and predict the future trends of these changes? Author argues that everyone of these six theories including failed state, uprising against humiliation, Pervasive penetration, fourth Wave of Democracy, modification of Anti – Americanism and return ti Islamic Identity, can Explain some aspects of changes in Arab world, Mean while, the theory of "Anachronistic Governance", Can give us a more comprehensive Explanation of these changes.

Abstract We witnessed a new school in international politics so called neo-realism after Hans Morgenthau's dead in July 1980. Kenneth Waltz – the notably scientist in IR – made some adjustments in realism produced by Morgenthau for analyzing international order and disorder in his The Theory of International Politics. In the paper could be found the differentiations between Realism and Neo- Realism in concerned with Waltz's book, so it needs to respond what is the cognitive manner and international security analyses in Neo-Realism? With the reviewing the adjustments and the presuppositions and the key concepts of Neo- Realism it is make popper condition for focus on four main ideas of it. Rethinking the essential suppositions of realism by Neo-realism, the author argues; make proper explanation in international security for regarding to dynamic nature and logics of affairs and conception.

Abstract Alexander Vent as a distinguished constructivist thinker does argue that the problems of the scholars of international relations and the political scientists were just be understanding of global politics and power distribution without thinking about what constructed the global system and how it organized. Vent by reviewing the current schools of the international relations field is criticizing the neo – realism so that it is important but by focus on individualism and materialism is imperfect. That is paying more attention on decision makers without any mentioning on social structures that shapes the individuals. Crucial critique of Vent is deal with materialistic views of neo – realism as an objective willing and properties. Here the main hypothesis of the article by exploring the political from the constructivist view is that the political actors do often pursuit to substitute recognition on power (in the neo – realism) and wealth (in the neo – liberal view).

Abstract As the problem of the article, could be relationship between sexuality and text interpretation or subject analysis? For responding this question, this planned hypothesis is examining that understanding national and international security (as a subject or text) would be done by post positivism method and for solving sexuality irregularity. For examining this subjective guess it is primarily necessary to explanation of the feministic cognitive method( in its diverse perspective) and then exploring its main deliberations such as expanding the meaning of the security, considering the social frame, and the focus replace on change for continuity, to analyzing the national and international security. With criticizing the fashionable approaches in methodology, the feministic cognitive method prescribe four main points: introducing social security as the national security base, interactions versus independent, pay attention to software of national security dimensions and the last, supporting the continual and evolution improvement plans versus the violent and revolution ones. These differentiated the feminists from the positivists.

Abstract Postmodern scholars have developed three following statements and thus affected the method of cognition and study of social relations: First, perception of the world as the text and the necessity of interpreting it; second, basing knowledge on power and historical nature of truth; and third, distrust in meta-narratives. With the three above statements, the positivist presumptions and even positivist achievements were seriously challenged, because according to positivist observational experience, first the world was regarded as reality containing truth, second knowledge was achieved independently devoid of power relations, and third there is a universal code of rules and laws that is beyond time and space. Examining the important points in postmodern understanding, this article seeks to answer the question which relation exists between the study of strategic issues and recognizing the meaning and criteria of security and the methodological findings of postmodernism. On this basis, "the postmodern method of analysis rejects the legitimacy of modernity and its achievements, but it fails to propose any alternative on how to relieve of modern insecurity. The result of this incomplete view is the distrust of people and groups in the sources of power and prevalent interpretations of truth."

Abstract Neo-idealism is among the salient and influential schools in the analysis of international security and relations. This school is distinguished from neo-realism because of its emphasis on the idea of limited state and trans-state community-based outlook. The school lacks the liberals' weakness and optimism given its sophistication and comprehensiveness. Neo-idealism seeks to extrapolate power relations and develop ideas for changing them so that all world inhabitants enjoy desirable security. Democratic governance, priority of absolute achievements and subjugation of security to sustainable public welfare constitute the foundations of this school. Neo-idealist scholars provoked hopes by developing such statements; but with the lapse of time and appearance of neo-idealist capacities, it became apparent that this outlook suffers from weaknesses in spite of significant innovations. Due to their propensity to rationalism, neo-idealists are no immune to mental biases and pre-judgments, they underestimate the reality of the state and hard power in shaping groups' identities and even in the drawing and repairing norms, and they tend to suffice to provide general and simplistic ideas in explaining the factors of changes.

Abstract Efforts at preserving the identity are an important chapter in theorizting in international relations. Turning the preservation of identity into the agenda of foreign policy and strategic studies is largely derived from a wave whose extent of action is transnational and global. In the meantime, a new theory has been proposed by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever that regards the national and global analysis of national security as distorted and responsible for widespread insecurity which has entangled the today’s world. Criticizing the realist and globalist analyses, which stress on national and global roots of insecurity and instability, they have focused upon the regional complex of most of strategic equations. According to this theory, the countries of the world must be classified in six security complexes and then the problems of every region or system are theorized. This article mainly addresses the principles of the “theory of regional complex security” and its results in the strategic studies field. The most significant characteristic of this theory is that it holds theoretical relevance for regional powers (like Iran) because of their old identity, historical continuity and the capacity of producing patterns. It also views globalist and nationalist theories as minimalist.

Abstract This article intends to analyze and appraise the social foundations of social security. The author believes that states can conventionally play four roles including removal of conflict, representation of society, expediency, and reconstruction of human and a modern society. From among the four functions, the second and third functions appear appropriate to the analysis of the state in the Third World countries. These different behavioral patterns necessitate national security in the Third World be considered as arising from a specific formation continuing historically and socially rather than the result of international power structure or autocratic regimes. On this ground, this article seeks to view national security as a variable dependent on social processes and relations. Such an argument is derived from the assumption that despite the increase in state vulnerability, the area of citizens’ power has grown as well. This equation demands a new comprehensive analysis, which in recent versions is translated into the strength of society and state efficiency and legitimacy in reducing domestic harms and foreign threats and not just into the absolute state authority.

Abstract This article seeks to answer the question that what the factual understanding is and how it is possible. The author’s hypothesis is that in the realist understanding, ‘causal explanation’ takes precedence over the ‘description’ (as is common in the hermeneutic outlook) and over the ‘prescription’ (as is prevalent in logical positivism). This article has chosen Hobbes’ Leviathan as the classical example of realist analysis and has founded its arguments on that everlasting work and explained them. On this ground, initially the key teachings of the realist school are described in the context of four categories, namely the conviction and truth, definition of positions based on power, according priority to political morality, and granting independence to the sphere of political action, and then methodological requirements of realism are offered. The author, in this section, refers to materialism, analysis and synthesis of statements, nominalist semiotics of concepts and finally the definition of conditions according to their antitheses, and concludes that Leviathan is though the most important reference in the modern political science, the book fails to deal with such issues as how such facts like national interests and the Leviathan’s interests are distinguished and separated. Other facts include how savage and wild human beings conclude and enforce a contract, and more importantly, whether the rationalist reason is reliable in justifying all human behaviors.

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Faculty member of the Research Institute of Strategic Studies

This article examines methodological bases of the idealist school. The author maintains that idealist explanations of national security observe methods mostly and originally considered by Emanuel Kant. As the influential founder of idealism, Kant offered a new perception of human duties, the nature and mission of the state and the possibility of peaceful conduct on the part of political actors. Such perception, in contrast to the realist viewpoints, suggests a new order. The author initially explains the main claims of idealism and notes that the major claims of idealism include the belief in the desirable role of the environment in determining human behavior, utmost importance of public conscience and judgment, the reason’s efficient leadership, the priority of ethical aspiration over rational thinking, perfectionism, possible and necessary coordination of national interests of the national units, and international rights-duties. What is considerable in these claims from a methodological perspective involves the acceptance of the capability of reason and ethics in evaluating behaviors. In today’s world, mere reliance on the possibility and necessity of moralism is unable to eradicate insecurity and to secure national interests. Perhaps for this reason, idealist criteria are largely taken into account in the stage of making slogans and claims, because this outlook has a very rudimentary approach to power and casts doubt on the achievements and capabilities of the modernity.

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