Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract In international relations, those who impose sanctions have different motives for using this tool. A change in the US government's policy toward the Iran nuclear deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action or the JCPOA, is a notable issue in this regard. The question asked by the present article is: Where was the theoretical point of departure for the difference in sanctions diplomacy under US President Donald Trump and his predecessor Barack Obama toward Iran despite its commitment to the terms of the agreement? The article's hypothesis is that while the Obama administration's sanctions policy was more based on a motivation to make Iran committed to conforming to international norms, the Trump administration's main objective is to advance US interests as far as possible regardless of international legal restrictions. From this perspective, the nuclear deal was considered effective by the Obama administration, while the Trump administration regards it as ineffective. The hypothesis is theoretically based on realism and liberalism theories about the function of sanctions in international relations and has been studied here using an analytical-explanatory model and reliable data.
 
 

Abstract  The paper intends to answer this question: given the current facts and realities in Saudi Arabia, which changes are probable in the field of economic development and political stability of the country? The author assumes that the in the short term the current economic situation will go on and the government’s dependency on oil will not be aborted. The Saudi government enjoys the oil revenues for the public well-being as well as gaining legitimacy and political stability. However, some of its officials are of the view that with should the status quo continue, both the national well-being and political stability will be at risk in the near future. Therefore, it is the time to transiting into a competitive and economy together with a variety.
 

Abstract   The paper intends to answer the question that how the elections can promote the international status and strength of a government. In this way, the following four elements have been discussed with special attention: democratic peace, significance of international legitimacy, public diplomacy and the principle of clean tablet. Free elections, indeed is a part of external interactions of governments, as they send special signals and connotations to other governments and cause their proper reaction. The elections also project democratic norms as well as providing proper bed for policy change which in turn can renovate the international reputation of governments. The Islamic Republic of Iran has already experienced these impacts in particular with respect to the presidential elections. Having said that, the author argues while the international situation for our country had been tense, the elections led to the re-enhancement of the country’s reputation.  

Abstract The main question of this article is that “while there is spreading economic critics of egalitarianism economic justice policies, why numerous governments follow this policy? “The hypothesis argues that national security concerns are determined factors in pursuit of these economic policies by governments. Since discrimination and relative deprivation are negative factors in national security states value economic justice. The more discrimination will form the more challenges against political regime and national integration. Nevertheless, discrimination feeling is not confined to deprived people, but affluent class also can feel discriminated and challenge national security.

Abstract The main question of this article is that “how religious democracies could move toward peaceful foreign policy?” Author in response, argues that in this kind of democracy peace seeking is feasible through tow processes. The first process is through religious teachings that confirms and emphasizes on peace or refusal of war. The second process is through democratic institutions that restrict war to emergency situations. Author case studies these claims in Islamic Republic of Iran.    

Abstract this article tries to explain a fundamental change in china foreign policy. The main question of article is that: what idealist interests in china foreign policy has been marginalized in the course of time?  The hypothesis of author is that: fragility of national security is a key factor in strengthening pragmatic signs in china foreign policy. This fragility is the effect of continuous security threats in domestic, regional and systemic levels. So that, author believes that national security has a big role in china's foreign policy priorities. In this situation, china has transformed from a revisionist and revolutionary actor to a conservative one, which is compatible to current international order. Although China is opposed to American unilateralism, but doesn't want to pay big costs to contain it.

Abstract Abstract This article explains the link of national security considerations with westernization in turkey's foreign policy. A review of political foreign relations of turkey and its predecessor ottoman empire, shows that two national security considerations have basic role in its foreign policy: foreign domination and domestic dis-integration. These issues, while are too intertwined, come from ottoman/Turkish peculiar geopolitics. These two issues has made western inclination a dominant and permanent character in turkey’s foreign policy in recent decades. Of course, keeping turkey as a strategic partner has been very important for western powers to contain their adversaries.

Abstract Strategic culture is a key factor in efficiency of defence policies and plans. This article emphasizes on importance of strategic culture in national defence and argues that victory in war requires an intelligent application of strategic culture potentials. For instance, provoking the aggressive aspects of culture, as we see in Germany and japan behavior in 2^nd world war, while may bring some tactical gains, but would not guarantee the total victory.   This article argues that intelligent application of strategic cultures potentials by Iranian politicians, facilitate the final victory in war.

Abstract

Hearing the concept of regional power, we think of a state having the highest hard power in the region. But, today we are aware of the importance of soft power and some delicate rules to reach such a position. Any state claiming the leadership of the region or a Sub-regional System must be confirmed not only by the regional states but by the other trans-regional actors that have influence in the region. A regional power must help security establishment to facilitate and foster development process in the region. It must promote some principles, rules and norms which are accepted both in the region and in the international system.

Abstract During the Bush Administration, especially in his second Presidential term, the main element of theUSpolicy towardsIranhas been the Iranian nuclear activities. However, in spite of the various relevant positions of the US officials, either by the executive branch or by the Congress, the US policy towards Iran has been based on  non-military sanctions (as multilateral as possible) to change the Iran's behavior according to the US security remarks. Of course, the existing tensions between the two countries, is neither limited to the nuclear issue nor they are the result of the Bush security policy. Nonetheless, the nuclear issue has been a proper bed for more complicatingUSpressure onIran.

Abstract Any thinker's approach toward the issue of structure – agent and their interaction is one of the key elements in leading his/her perception and analysis about the social environment. It is the case especially in International Relations and Foreign Policy. Generally three approaches namely, Structure, Agent, Foundation can be identified in IR. With respect to the Islamic Republic of Iran also two different approaches focus on either Agent and its main role in leading to shape the international system or Structure and necessity of compatibility with the international system. The paper argues that while in the beginning the dominant approach in foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran was dominated by Agent approach, it was replaced by Structure approach in the later phases. 

Abstract linked to the heterogeneous political identities of the two sides. In this way, the role ofIsraelas an apprehensive variable is very important, because, neither the Islamic Republic of Iran is ready to acceptIsraelas an actor in the region, nor theUScan be indifferent towards the threats and pressures ofIranagainst its long life ally,Israel. It is specially the case due to the Jewish society in theUSas the main important lobby group in the country which is completely effective on decision making in the field of foreign policy including the US Middle East policy. Nowadays, theUSaccusations againstIran, including preventing the peace process in the Middle East, acquiring weapons of mass destruction, harboring terrorism and breach of human rights and democracy are strongly linked with security ofIsrael.  Therefore, although a limited cooperation betweenIranand theUSis possible at the tactical level, but as long as the current interaction between theUSandIsraelgoes on, normalization of theIran–USrelations would be impossible.