Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract The 2015 migration crisis is considered a turning point in European Union policymaking, marking a period during which migration gradually shifted from a purely humanitarian issue to a matter with significant security implications. Within this context, the migration of Afghan citizens, intensified by the continued instability and collapse of political order in Afghanistan, stood at the center of these discursive transformations. Adopting a critical analytical approach and drawing on the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School alongside Fairclough’s three-dimensional model of discourse analysis, this study examines the representation of Afghan migration in the political and media discourse of the European Union between 2015 and 2025. The main research question addresses how Afghan migration has been represented in EU political and media discourse and what role these representations have played in shaping the Union’s migration policies. The findings indicate that the dominant narrative has primarily framed Afghan migration through terms such as “threat,” “border pressure,” and “irregular crossing,” with institutions such as Frontex and certain mainstream media outlets playing a significant role in reinforcing this discursive framework. In contrast, liberal media and civil society organizations have sought to advance narratives emphasizing humanitarian and legal dimensions; however, these narratives have largely remained marginalized within the dominant discourse. This study demonstrates how the linkage between language and power in the European Union’s security-oriented discourse has contributed to the formation of migration policies and to the institutional and media-level consolidation of particular understandings of Afghan migration.

Abstract Russia has used hybrid warfare more than ever in recent years to achieve its goals in relation to European countries. The main question of this article is: "What is Russia's goal in using hybrid warfare in relation to European countries and what tools and methods has it used in this regard?" In response to this question, the author hypothesizes that "Russia's main goal is to return to the position of a superpower and change the balance in its favor in relations with the West." Because this goal can no longer be achieved through traditional and symmetrical warfare, Moscow is embracing the new generation of warfare, hybrid warfare, using a variety of tools such as cyberattacks, spreading false news, supporting networks of corruption and economic pressure, Interfering in European elections and forming a network of political allies in European countries, supporting separatism in Europe and the use of opposition groups and organizations.

Abstract  This study seeks to answer the following question: given the dynamic development of the European Union and widespread changes since the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, which areas in Europe are considered to be the new strategic points and what are the European Union's main tools to control those areas? This paper explores the issue by assuming that new strategic points for European Union are fluid and identified by the type of threats they pose, and that the European Union's neighborhood policy is the main tool to dominate and control these strategic points. The findings of the study show that the humanitarian issues such as the refugee crisis, illegal immigration and human trafficking, as well as European Union's dependence on Russian energy resources, have transformed certain areas on the southern Mediterranean and Black Sea coastlines into new strategic points in Europe. Also, in the future, given the rigidity of EU geostrategy in the south, strategic points will be increasingly within the European Union borders, on the Mediterranean coastlines. Furthermore, we analyze new strategic points within the EU borders by introducing a new geostrategic model of internalization. Regarding the EU instruments of control, the use of the Neighborhood Policy tool in the East and South to manage strategic areas as well as border points is on the Commission's agenda.
 
 

Abstract Given the fact that convergence and divergence in transatlantic relations and the role of Britain in the European Union have always been two important and determining factors in the EU's relationship with Iran, this article asks what implications Brexit and the presidency of Donald Trump in the United States could have for transatlantic relations and Iran. This paper assumes that Brexit and Trump's presidency—which have led to an unprecedented gap in transatlantic relations and security deficit in Europe—have promoted the EU to move toward reducing its strategic dependence and defend its own values and interests. Past experience has shown that such developments offer unique opportunities for the expansion of the Islamic Republic of Iran's relations with Europe, particularly considering the fact that Iran is one of the main bones of contention that have driven a wedge between governments on the two sides of the Atlantic Ocean.  
 
 

Abstract This article explores the underlying factors behind the convergence and divergence of views of the United States and Europe on the Islamic Republic of Iran. In addition to investigating past trends and experiences, the authors have put forward the theory that the extent of divergence and convergence of the US and Europe on Iran depends on the level of Washington's success in presenting the Islamic Republic as a security threat to Europe. The more success the US has achieved in this regard, the closer their views have been on the Islamic Republic. Similarities in strategies and policies adopted by Europe and the US, the alliance between their leaders, the extent to which they approve of each other's policies under different administrations and the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy are factors which determine whether Europe would align itself with the US that could eventually lead to either a transatlantic divergence or convergence on Iran. 

Abstract This article seeks to study the institutional and legal measures taken by the European Union in the fight against terrorism since the beginning of the third millennium as well as the effectiveness and prospects of cooperation among EU states in this area as security issues are considered the greatest challenge to future convergence among the bloc's members. The study identifies the anti-terrorism policies pursued by the EU so far and examines the prospects of cooperation and convergence among the union and the role it can play as an international player in the campaign against terrorism. The article assumes that combating terrorism and ensuring the safety of European citizens would remain one of the major security objectives of the EU and would remain high on its agenda. The EU would pursue more active policies to give transnational institutions more leeway in the fight against terrorism and the potential of European institutions for cooperation on this issue will be further utilized.