Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract  Given the modern achievements, analysis of new developments in the international arena require putting aside the traditional understanding and enjoying instead a knowledge of influential forces that are effective on dynamism, trends and results as well as introduction of new concepts.  In this way, the current paper reviews developments of the US foreign policy in the last two decades and the related theories about allocation of capabilities that are effective in shaping the poles of an international system; it also argues that, like in the past, in order to better understand the developments, it would be better to get to know the structure of poles in the international system; however, this is not enough and to achieve better understanding, one needs to know all influential new forces that affect dynamism, trends and results. To do so, the paper offers the idea of trans-pole concept according to which power is not bound to the old inter-governmental, limited and inflexible situation but enjoys some new aspects.  

Abstract Strategic Studies in Iran has developed interacting with the socio-political developments at the national, regional and international levels, and changes in the factors have affected the formation and nature of the data. Given the knowledge-power relationship, the author argues that as a result of transforming the Pahlavi regime to the Islamic Republic at the national level, changing the Western Regional order to the nonwestern, and transformation of the international system from the Cold War to the post-Cold War era, has increased the possibility of formation and development of an indigenous Strategic Studies based on the Islamic-Iranian teachings than the past. In fact, studying the formation and evolution of Strategic Studies in Iran based on a Constructivist approach, the author is intended to show how, through the transformation of internal, regional and international relations of power, the ontological foundations of Strategic Studies in Iran and consequently, the epistemological and methodological foundations of the study has converted in a way to provide an indigenous approach on the field based on the Islamic-Iranian elements

Abstract During the Bush Administration, especially in his second Presidential term, the main element of theUSpolicy towardsIranhas been the Iranian nuclear activities. However, in spite of the various relevant positions of the US officials, either by the executive branch or by the Congress, the US policy towards Iran has been based on  non-military sanctions (as multilateral as possible) to change the Iran's behavior according to the US security remarks. Of course, the existing tensions between the two countries, is neither limited to the nuclear issue nor they are the result of the Bush security policy. Nonetheless, the nuclear issue has been a proper bed for more complicatingUSpressure onIran.

Abstract During the Ex- USSR, any foreign policy either for or against theUSA, has had a direct effect on the kind of behavior of elites and political groups in theUSSR. This frequent effect has been inevitably transmitted to the postUSSRera and still has similar effect. During the Yeltsin's era given various disorders in this country, this effect appeared in the shape of distinct periods of interaction and antagonism. However, during the Putin's era, especially in his second term of office, theUSAwas introduced as the main obstacle in revival of theRussian Federationand therefore the anti-US policies were escalated to the much possible extent. Thus in the aftermath of experiencing failed convergence with theUSAwithin the framework of pragmatic conservatism and then within the pragmatic offensive framework, the approach of "direct resistance" against theUSAwas adopted. Focusing on the Putin's era, the author of this paper intends to discuss the nature of these trends.

Abstract Although, so far, the international system has not witnessed absolute domination of a single and only one dominating power in all political, social, military and cultural aspects, many theoretical attempts have been made to explain possible situations for such a system. The main question of the present study is: "What are possible theoretical forms for an international system based on axis of a superpower and what are its characteristics and the way of interaction between the actors inside that system?" Many of the papers in this field believe that only Unipolar and Hegemonic systems are qualified with the characteristics of a Single Power System.  The present paper, while surveying these two types of international system, is introducing another Single Power System which is Empire System (different from its traditional model). Therefore, the author attempts to study and compare the logics of internal relationship, interests of dominant power and nature of social relations (structure of social network) belonging to each of the above three models.       

Abstract Although, so far, the international system has not witnessed absolute domination of a single and only one dominating power in all political, social, military and cultural aspects, many theoretical attempts have been made to explain possible situations for such a system. The main question of the present study is: "What are possible theoretical forms for an international system based on axis of a superpower and what are its characteristics and the way of interaction between the actors inside that system?" Many of the papers in this field believe that only Unipolar and Hegemonic systems are qualified with the characteristics of a Single Power System.  The present paper, while surveying these two types of international system, is introducing another Single Power System which is Empire System (different from its traditional model). Therefore, the author attempts to study and compare the logics of internal relationship, interests of dominant power and nature of social relations (structure of social network) belonging to each of the above three models.       

Abstract Following the fundamental changes in the structure of the international system because of the collapse of the Soviet Union, many analysts will pay attention to the question of the essential trends that will be included in the agenda for world security. This writing is intended to offer an answer to this question in which the author has proposed the following hypothesis: The world security plan involves two agendas. The first agenda corresponds to the contents of world hegemony and refers to the positive rivalry between the United States and European Union. The second agenda relates to the grounds for the rise of conflicts, and ushers in the entry of the Middle East to the context of security developments in the 21^st Century.   In order to explain the subject, the author has initially presented two main scenarios which are pursued by the great actors in the stage of international politics (namely the American and European scenarios for the world order) and according to them the lines of conflict have been derived and described. According to this hypothesis, the tendency of the world system to hegemonic structure and heightened political-security tensions in the Middle East form two general phenomena of the 21^st Century.