Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract  
Introduction
The concept of khurūj (rebellion) constitutes one of the central themes of Khwāja Niẓām al-Mulk’s Siyar al-Mulūk (Book of Politics), as evidenced by the fact that its longest chapters are devoted to the historical narration of rebellions and seditions (chapters 43–47). Khwāja employs the notions of khurūj/rebellion and fitna/sedition to encompass a wide range of uprisings and acts of defiance and, while emphasizing their significance, presents a detailed discussion of them as an act of counsel and goodwill toward the Seljuk state. His remarks suggest that rebellion, in his view, is a recurring phenomenon across time and space; the absence of uprisings in certain periods is attributed not to their impossibility but to the awe inspired by powerful rulers and the effectiveness of state institutions. Khwāja’s tendency to classify a broad spectrum of movements—including Sinbād the Infidel, the Mazdakites, the Khurramites, and various Shiʿi groups, particularly the Ismailis and the Qarmatians—within a single category raises an important question: what common feature did he perceive among these diverse movements, and what form of unity did he discern beneath their apparent diversity?
Methodology
To clarify Khwāja Niẓām al-Mulk’s understanding of rebellion, this study adopts a minimal hermeneutic approach in reading his historical text. This approach is based on the assumption of the author’s intellectual coherence, the presence of a unified underlying logic throughout the work, and the application of the principle of charity. In order to identify and explain the unity underlying diverse manifestations of rebellion, the analysis also draws on a metaphysical framework in the Aristotelian sense—namely, the search for an ultimate principle or final cause beneath multiplicity and variation. The objective is to determine what, in Khwāja’s view, lay behind the heterogeneous ideas and claims advanced by rebels and seditionists.
Findings and Discussion
The analysis indicates that Khwāja Niẓām al-Mulk clearly distinguishes between the cunning and manipulative leaders of rebellions and the masses who followed them. The largely ignorant populace tended to act as mere followers and was willing to comply with even the unreasonable demands of their leaders—including the abandonment of religious obligations—often motivated by the prospect of modest gains. By contrast, the leaders of rebellions and uprisings were typically intelligent and frequently drawn from elite circles. Khwāja’s remarks suggest that the primary causes of rebellion can be reduced to two main factors: first, the pursuit of power, wealth, and fame, accompanied by submission to personal desires and the instrumental use of religious beliefs to conceal genuine intentions; and second, the deception and misguidance of individuals holding erroneous beliefs.
Conclusion
This interpretation, however, gives rise to a fundamental paradox. If the emergence of every new belief or ideology—and the social and political transformations that follow—is attributed to such flawed and suspect motives, how should the founders of accepted religions and legitimate sects be understood? Moreover, does this perspective not risk legitimizing whichever religion happens to be endorsed by those in power as the true faith? To address this paradox, two possible explanations are proposed. The first emphasizes Khwāja’s political pragmatism, suggesting that he prioritizes considerations of political expediency without presupposing a single, coherent metaphysical framework, focusing instead on practical governance. The second points to the possibility of later textual interpolations, omissions, or alterations introduced by scribes after Khwāja’s death, shaped by the political and intellectual conditions of subsequent periods.

Abstract  
Introduction
The concept of the national dream plays a pivotal role in shaping collective identity, orienting social aspirations, and structuring patterns of governance. Rather than constituting a merely idealized vision, the national dream encompasses cognitive, emotional, and behavioral dimensions that, over time, organize both individual and collective action within a society. In the contemporary world, many states have consciously sought to redefine or reconstruct their national dreams in order to strengthen social cohesion, enhance political legitimacy, and increase collective action capacity.
Despite its significance, much of the existing scholarship has examined the national dream primarily through political, historical, or sociological lenses, while paying comparatively limited attention to its cognitive and mental foundations. In this context, cognitive science—an interdisciplinary field concerned with the study of mental, perceptual, and emotional processes—offers a novel and productive framework for understanding how national dreams are formed, stabilized, and transmitted. Concepts such as collective memory, social cognition, empathy, theory of mind, belief formation, and social decision-making provide powerful analytical tools for illuminating the internal and often invisible processes underlying the construction of collective dreams.
The importance of the present study lies in its attempt to draw on insights from cognitive science to explain the mental and neural foundations of the national dream, thereby addressing a notable theoretical gap in the literature. The central research question guiding this inquiry is: How does the national dream emerge from a cognitive science perspective, and what mental and social mechanisms contribute to its formation and durability? Accordingly, the objectives of the study include examining the role of collective memory in representing the past and linking it to national foresight; analyzing the function of social cognition in generating shared understanding among members of society; exploring the role of emotion and empathy in mobilizing collective participation; and investigating the contribution of theory of mind, belief, and desire to the alignment of individual actions with collective goals.
This research does not seek to test statistical hypotheses. Instead, adopting an exploratory approach, it aims to develop a conceptual framework for understanding the process of “collective dream formation.” The primary focus is on how dispersed cognitive processes at the individual level are transformed—through social interaction, shared narratives, and common experiences—into a coherent vision of the future capable of organizing social and political behavior.
Methodology
This study employs a qualitative research design and follows a descriptive–analytical approach, situating it within the realm of interdisciplinary research. Data were collected through documentary and library-based methods and include peer-reviewed journal articles, specialized monographs, and research reports in the fields of cognitive science, social neuroscience, social psychology, and national identity studies. The sources reviewed span the period from 2000 to 2024 and were selected based on their conceptual relevance, academic credibility, and currency.
The theoretical framework is grounded in key concepts of social cognition, including collective memory as a repository of shared historical experiences; theory of mind as the capacity to attribute mental states to others; empathy as an emotional mechanism linking individuals; and belief and desire as fundamental drivers of human behavior. In addition, the notion of the “social brain” and the neural networks associated with social interaction provide an explanatory basis for understanding why collective dreams are not merely discursive constructions, but are rooted in human cognitive and affective structures. Data analysis was conducted through thematic extraction and the systematic examination of relationships among core concepts, with findings presented in the form of analytical propositions.
Findings and Discussion
The findings indicate that the national dream emerges from the interaction between past-oriented collective memory and future-oriented imagination. Collective memory serves to stabilize common experiences, while cognitive processes transform these experiences into a meaningful vision for the future. Social cognition and empathy play a central role in the transmission and internalization of this vision; without emotional engagement and empathic resonance, even the most rationally articulated national dreams lack the capacity to mobilize society.
Moreover, the results demonstrate that theory of mind—the ability to understand the perspectives, beliefs, and intentions of others—is a necessary condition for the formation of integrated national dreams and for the reduction of intergroup tensions. Collective beliefs, consciously or implicitly, constitute the deepest layers shaping social behavior. Consequently, any attempt to reformulate or redesign a national dream is unlikely to succeed without a clear understanding of these underlying belief structures.
Conclusion
In sum, this study shows that the national dream is not merely a political or discursive construct, but a phenomenon deeply embedded in human cognitive and neural mechanisms. Attention to these underlying infrastructures can assist policymakers, educational institutions, and media organizations in designing cultural and social interventions that are both more realistic and more effective. The findings of this study contribute theoretically to the literature on social cognitive science and have practical implications for governance, social cohesion, and national foresight.

Abstract  
Introduction
In Iran's educational system, "Religion and Life" textbooks play a pivotal role in conveying cultural and religious values. Recognizing that a well-developed human capital is crucial for national progress and independence, it becomes essential to analyze these textbooks to determine how well they align with students' cultural needs. This study examines the cultural components featured in textbooks at the upper secondary education level, focusing on both individual and social dimensions. The aim is to identify the strengths and weaknesses in the content and to propose practical recommendations for improvement.
Methodology
This study adopts a descriptive-quantitative approach using content analysis. The sample comprises the "Religion and Life" textbooks for three grades (Grade 10: 168 pages, Grade 11: 240 pages, Grade 12: 176 pages). Data were gathered with a content analysis checklist that focused on key cultural components (such as hijab, responsibility, renunciation of extravagance, maintenance of kinship ties, loyalty, and self-respect). The collected data were then organized and analyzed using tables and charts.
Discussion and Results
Overall, the cultural components are mentioned 318 times throughout the textbooks. Of these, 248 refer to the individual dimension, while only 70 pertain to the social one. Although the individual aspect is important, the social dimension is even more critical. This imbalance is evident, and there is a clear recommendation to bolster the social components in the textbooks.
The imbalance among specific components is also noticeable. The frequency of references to hijab is the highest, whereas the renunciation of extravagance is mentioned the least. While discussions on hijab are both timely and significant, the other components are equally important. Hence, it is recommended that a balanced representation of cultural components be established in textbooks for Grades 10, 11, and 12, with a view to progressively enhancing the underrepresented areas. For example, whereas Grade 10 shows the highest percentage for the hijab component (17.29%), Grade 11 records an extremely low percentage for the renunciation of extravagance (0.94%). This steep decline highlights a lack of balance and suggests insufficient attention to critical cultural issues.
Conclusion
The study underscores the need for equilibrium among cultural components in "Religion and Life" textbooks to fully address the comprehensive cultural needs of students. The findings reveal that while textbook authors have concentrated on individual aspects like hijab and self-respect, social elements—such as maintaining kinship ties and fostering responsibility—are unevenly covered, especially in higher grades. This content imbalance calls for a thorough revision of the textbooks to ensure that both individual and social dimensions are well represented.
Key recommendations include a comprehensive content review conducted with the participation of curriculum planning specialists and psychologists, a stronger emphasis on social components in upper-grade textbooks, the adoption of innovative teaching methods to enhance content impact, and a dynamic approach to addressing the evolving cultural needs of Iranian-Islamic society. Such reforms could significantly reinforce the role of these textbooks in cultivating a generation with a robust cultural identity and effective social skills.

Abstract Introduction
Over the past decade, artificial intelligence (AI) and big data have evolved into groundbreaking paradigms, influencing virtually every aspect of human life. Significant advancements in data processing capabilities, a dramatic drop in storage costs, and the exponential growth of data have paved the way for the development of digital tools, turning digital transformation into a reality. From 2000 to 2017, data processing power increased by a staggering 10,000-fold, while storage costs plummeted by 3,000 times. Furthermore, by 2025, the volume of generated data is projected to grow more than 90-fold. These rapid advancements have made strategic decision-making a key area of focus in management and governance.
Strategic decision-making has always been significant due to its complexity, uniqueness, and long-term, often irreversible, consequences. With the advent of big data and AI, decision-making has transitioned from intuition-based practices to data-driven processes. New tools now allow organizations to reduce biases, enhance accuracy, and manage uncertain environments more effectively. However, many organizations and governments are yet to harness the full potential of these technologies, partly because of the absence of comprehensive theoretical frameworks.
Based on this, the study aims to present an integrated framework for data-driven strategic decision-making by exploring how AI and big data influence this process. By synthesizing previous research findings, it addresses existing gaps in knowledge and provides practical guidance for managers and policymakers. This research emphasizes that data-driven decision-making is not merely a technical tool—it represents a shift in power structures and decision-making mindsets, enabling improved governance and organizational performance.
Methodology
This study uses the meta-synthesis approach, a qualitative method for integrating and interpreting findings from prior research. The method facilitates the identification of patterns, differences, and overlaps, helping to establish cohesive theoretical frameworks. The framework follows the seven-step model of Margarete Sandelowski and Juliet Barroso, which includes formulating research questions, reviewing the literature, identifying and selecting studies, extracting information, analyzing and synthesizing findings, conducting quality control, and presenting results.
Research questions focused on identifying the framework and key elements of data-driven strategic decision-making. Relevant studies were sourced from leading databases, such as Scopus, Web of Science, and Emerald, using keywords including "strategic decision-making," "artificial intelligence," "big data," and "data-driven." The study focused on English-language research from 2010 to 2024. Out of 88 initially identified studies, 36 were selected after removing duplicates and reviewing titles, abstracts, and methodologies. Data extracted from these studies underwent open coding, yielding 102 initial codes. These were categorized into 25 subcategories and four main themes: conditions, features, dimensions, and outcomes. To ensure quality, the CASP tool was used for validity checks, and reliability was measured using the Kappa index, scoring 0.69. This rigorous approach enabled the development of a robust and comprehensive framework.
Discussion and Results
The study's findings are categorized into four main themes:

Conditions: These include prerequisites for effective data-driven decision-making, such as access to high-quality data (characterized by volume, accuracy, timeliness, and variety) and advanced infrastructure (hardware and software). Organizational restructuring is essential to integrate data analytics processes, and cross-functional collaboration is necessary for data collection and interpretation. Building technical expertise to develop AI models and fostering a data-driven culture through employee training are also critical. Regulatory frameworks, including periodic evaluations and risk management, play a vital role in ensuring process quality.
Features: The core characteristics of data-driven decision-making include bias reduction through objective data, the ability to predict trends and behaviors, and the discovery of hidden patterns using AI. High-speed data processing, accuracy, and transparency contribute to reliable decision-making. Additionally, increased resolution—offering a more precise understanding of issues—is a defining feature of this approach.
Dimensions: This theme addresses the structural and contextual elements of the decision-making process. Balancing intuition with data analysis is particularly important in complex, turbulent environments. Structured data significantly enhance the quality of decisions, whereas unstructured data limit the effectiveness of technical tools. Collective intelligence, inspired by natural behaviors, enables the integration of group knowledge. Striking a balance between human creativity and AI computational power, alongside building stakeholder trust through interpretability and user-focused design, are other critical dimensions.
Outcomes: Data-driven decision-making reduces uncertainty, identifies new opportunities and threats, and offers solutions to complex challenges. It improves processes through automation, increases speed and accuracy, enhances organizational performance, and creates sustainable competitive advantages. At a national level, it has the potential to transform governance structures and improve outcomes.

Conclusion
Through the meta-synthesis approach, this research provides a comprehensive framework for data-driven strategic decision-making, organized into four key themes: conditions, features, dimensions, and outcomes. The findings highlight that implementing this approach requires robust infrastructure, high-quality data, a strong data-driven culture, and cross-departmental collaboration. Features such as bias reduction, predictability, speed, and precision differentiate this method from traditional approaches. Structural elements like the balance between human and AI involvement and the role of collective intelligence emphasize the importance of combining human judgment with computational power. The outcomes include reduced uncertainty, enhanced performance, and sustained competitive advantages.
However, the study acknowledges limitations, including its exclusive focus on strategic decision-making, the emerging nature of the topic, and potential biases in study selection. Overall, data-driven strategic decision-making is not optional—it is a necessity for governments and organizations in the digital era. Future research should explore other aspects of strategic management and consider cultural and regional influences to deepen our understanding of this phenomenon. This framework offers managers and policymakers practical tools to harness AI and big data to improve governance and decision-making.

Abstract Introduction While it may seem that ancient thinkers didn't explicitly discuss the concept of security in isolation, the constant concern for security among humankind ensured it was addressed in their works, albeit using different terminology. For example, the authors of "Andarznameh" (political Books of Advice) were focused on preserving governance and kingship. This paper, through a case study of Siyar al-Muluk (also known as Siyasatnameh/Book of Politics) by Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk, aims to reconstruct the "logic of politics" as understood by these thinkers. By exploring their "intellectual world," we seek to show what meanings the themes associated with the contemporary concept of "security" could have held within their framework and worldview.   Methodology Analyzing the ideas in Siyar al-Muluk, it's clear that Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk identified three main pillars of security: the king (malik), the kingdom (mulk), and the realm (mamlakat). These three elements form an interconnected whole. The concept of justice (adl) for Khwaja wasn't just about modern-day fairness; it included this tripartite framework. Under this notion of justice, values like moderation, adherence to traditions, avoiding religious innovation, oversight of officials' performance, defending against enemy threats, and avoiding extravagance were crucial. Khwaja's idea of "good kingship" was a well-ordered system where everything had its place. In this system, all officials were chosen based on merit and capability, and the king would intervene if any deviation or misconduct was detected. This "ideal" state or "good times" was synonymous with a "just kingship," ensuring the well-being of the subjects and the prosperity of the world. Any departure from this justice was seen as a path to decline and downfall.   Discussion and Results From Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk's perspective, all forms of policymaking are intrinsically tied to security policymaking, as the ultimate goal is to preserve power, governance, and kingship. Security policymaking focused on preventing threats from emerging, neutralizing them in their early stages, and eliminating any actual and critical threats. It seems that Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk identified three main types of threats: 1) threats from foreign enemies and rival kings; 2) "hard" threats from internal enemies, which he often referred to as "Khawarij"; and 3) threats arising from "deviation from justice," or in modern terms, system malfunctions or dysfunctions. It seems that Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk devised strategies to counter each type of threat. For external threats, he emphasized the need for a ready army and the expenses for maintaining it, a well-stocked treasury, the king paying soldiers' salaries, keeping subjects content, and showcasing the Sultan's majesty and greatness. According to Khwaja, internal "hard" threats, like uprisings and rebellions, stemmed from the gradual growth of latent or invisible "soft" threats. These were often caused by the spread of false religions and bad beliefs, which laid the groundwork for rebellion and sedition against the government. To counter these threats, Khwaja recommended continuous examination of religious affairs, strengthening true religion, purging the government and bureaucracy of heretical influence, and combating the Khawarij and heretics. When it comes to the third aspect of security, maintaining "justice," he highlighted several necessities: fulfilling royal duties and establishing good governance, preserving and expanding desirable royal qualities, continuously overseeing officials' work and punishing misconduct, preventing multiple job holdings, avoiding delegation of authority without supervision, creating and maintaining a network of informants, ensuring subjects’ access to the Sultan, monitoring and supervising the army, and basing jobs and titles on merit.   Conclusion While the modern concept of security isn't explicitly outlined in Siyar al-Muluk, it serves as the cornerstone and unifying thread connecting the various aspects of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk's intellectual framework. This perspective sheds new light on his intellectual world.

Abstract Many experts believe that transparency, greater access to information, and better flow of information help increase the accountability of governments and state officials and eventually help stem corruption and improve governance, which leads to an establishment's sustainability. In recent years, things such as unjustifiably high salaries and benefits, unjustifiable provision of properties and extra benefits at municipalities, the manner in which government-subsidized foreign currency is provided to importers of goods, etc are an indication of not-so-transparent processes, which are the result of lack of transparent information and flawed performance of supervisory organizations. This article discusses the important role of free access to information in improving the efficiency of governance and demonstrates that access to information in Iran is not as it should be and that supervisory organizations face a conflict and multiplicity of responsibilities. It also puts forward some proposals that could help improve information dissemination and supervisory structures in the country.
 
 

Abstract Putting managers with political affiliations in charge of state organizations have both pros and cons for policy makers. Appointment of administrative and executive managers in order to ensure political commitment to the defined strategies with the aim of increasing the efficiency of the executive system on the one hand and rapid emergence of politicization that leads to reduced efficiency of the executive system on the other hand have exposed serious contradictions in the country's administrative affairs. Using inductive reasoning and a data-based approach as well as interviews and secondary sources, this article attempts to investigate the link between the political commitment of the establishment's administrative staff and the efficiency of the political system as well as the negative implications of politicization for the efficiency of the executive system. The main question asked in this article is what the implications of politicization of the country's executive system are for its efficiency. However, we should first provide an answer to this question: How do political appointments affect the efficiency of the political system?
 
 

Abstract Voting is one of the most well-known forms of political participation according to the political sociology. This political act as a reference can bring about different referents based on a number of discourses. According to the religious democracy, voting is not merely a political act but also is a religious affair and therefore can be assumed as a religious undertaking. But on the basis of the Western democracies, voting is a citizenship duty. These democracies believe that voting is of the least important form of political participation. Yet, the religious democracy considers the voting as a religious assignment. 

Abstract During the last decade, a lot of university disciplines, especially strategic and security studies, have acknowledged necessity of paying due attention to the issue of environment. However, these new studies are struggling with weaknesses in the field of methodology. So in order to fill the gap, the current paper reviews the concept of environment and its place within the academic disciplines and tries to offer an illustrative framework for the sake of studying environment in those fields. Therefore, the main purpose of the paper is to offering a methodological framework for environment studies. The general presumption of the paper is that realizing this purpose is possible and by combination of several approaches, including social science and concerns of security studies, one can establish the needed bases for methodological framework of environment studies.  

Abstract The paper aims at studying the concept of security according to the latest security schools. Indeed, the latest security schools, namely, the English School, the Copenhagen School, the Paris School, the Wales School and the Post-Colonial School are those schools of security that fall in this category. In this way, the author studies “the reference of security” based on the said schools and consequently he compares those schools’ ontology, epistemology and methodology. As findings of the study reveals the reference of security is different to those schools and for each of them are as follows: the English School, individual/ state; the Wales School, individual/ people; the Copenhagen School, state/ community; the Paris School, society or political community; and finally, the Post-Colonial School, the southern subordinates

Abstract

Politicization of intelligence is a perilous phenomenon in both covert and overt form, which  has dangerous impacts on intelligence organization and political system. Politicization weakens and distorts intelligence analysis and intelligence estimates. Author claims that the most important of these distortions are radical subjectivity and interpretive in analysis. This deviation first acts as a cause of failure and mal-function of intelligence and in turn causes dis-identification of intelligence before policy-makers (consumers) and public opinion. Subjectivity and interpretivism may cause positive anthropy in political system which could be a factor of surprise and failure of policies of government.

Abstract The main purpose of this article is to review social Networks & satellite channels Role in occurrence & constitution of Arab revelations. Author argues that new history of Arab world has been shaped under the shadows of globalization & social networks. Arab youth revolutions brings about anew literature in IR & study of virtual & postmodern revolutions, which in turn shows that western political sociological approaches are not valid frameworks to study middle east. That's why, this article tries to investigate Arab revolutions by critical theories & writings of Arab authors.

Abstract

This paper aims at raising a Quran based concept of security. This kind of security is based on the belief in God and is extracted from the Holy Quran which is the words of the God. According to the hypothesis of the paper, the security refers to the belief, because the belief is one of the main core concepts of the Holy Quran which in turn is the foundation of the mundane and the hereafter life. However, the Holy Quran provides a raison d'être of security that is linked to the philosophy of creation and descent of humankind and leads to a special kind of anthropology without of which neither the study of aspects and faces of security nor  the recognition of security regulations could be possible. Based on the relevant aspects and rules of security in the Holy Quran, this paper compares this kind of security with the current concepts of security including national security and finally it shows that there are many similarities between these concepts.

Abstract

Based on the belief in human dignity, Islam sets its final aim as the humankinds to be furnished with the God’s ethic, spiritual evolution and eternal salvation, all of which can be obtained by supremacy of the good over evil and through awareness and freedom. According to Islam, the human being has got two aspects, namely, material and spiritual aspects and realization of salvation is subject to freely preference of the spiritual aspect against mundane aspect. Therefore, Islam has a value based judgment towards humankind and society. In this way, two main pre values exist, namely, eternal salvation through nurturing and primacy of the spiritual aspect of the existence and awareness and freedom in choosing between good and evil as the condition of realization of salvation. These two pre-values are the main pillars of meta-theoretical framework of the Islamic political thought and its main subjects including security.

Abstract

The core issue in any security theory is the referent object of security. This is the case with respect to Imam Khomeini’s views on security too. Based on this assumption, the current paper is trying to recognize the nature of the referent object of security; in the mean time, it treats Imam Khomeini’s relevant views as a “speech act”. Because the author is of the view that not only Imam Khomeini was the security theorist of the Islamic Republic of Iran but he was its securitizing actor too.Within this framework, the author believes that the referent object of security in Imam Khomeini’s speech act is “Islamic Government” which comprises the followings: “Ideological Islam”, “Velayat Faqih” and the “People

Abstract

Idea and policy making with regard to resource and method of security practice is one of elements of any security theory. In this way, the national security strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is not an exception.Within the above framework, the paper is trying to comprehend the resource as well as security practices in Imam Khomeini’s thought; it attempts to illustrate his relevant approach too. Therefore, the author believes that the basic approach in Imam Khomeini’s spatial of thought is derived from his inside and is based on his anthropological deliberations. Thus, from Imam Khomeini’s view the pattern of security practice should be from inside to outside and from down to up for which the concrete and social- national translation is the “people centered pattern”.

Abstract

The principles of classification and the boundaries of Islamic thought and political jurisprudence is drawn based on belief and accordingly, the world is divided in two territories Darulislam (land of Islam) and Darulkufr (land of infidelity). On the other hand, in the contemporary world, the Islamic countries are divided into too many nations.  The way of compatibility between this division and the Islamic United Ummah has attracted the attention of many Muslim thinkers and they have offered some solutions to this dichotomy. Imam Khomeini believes that Islamic Unity is the solution for this problem. For him, if the Muslims throughout the world, inspired by the Islamic Revolution, are awaken (and acquire the Islamic truth) and put aside the minor and sectarian differences and establish an Islamic government, due to the proximity of their beliefs, rules and purposes such a close relationship will appear among them that a new entity will emerge as if only one government rules in the Muslim World.

Abstract The paper aims at analyzing the elements of national authority, in the field of foreign policy, based on Imam Khomeini’s doctrine and thinking. Utilizing documentary and descriptive methods, this paper examines the main hypothesis based on Imam Khomeini’s thinking. In fact, the paper shows how Imam Khomeini, as a politician and jurisprudent has raised the elements and general principals of national strength in the field of foreign policy.  Based on the main elements of Shite social thinking, namely, “God Oriented” and “Task Oriented”, Imam Khomeini’s views in the field of foreign policy comprises the following components: Nafy –e- sabil (Denial of Rule of Infidels), Anti-oppression, Islamic Dignity and Religious Lordship, and Invitation to Muslim Unity.

Abstract

A study of the economic developments inIran, during the post revolution era, indicates that the economic policy of the Iranian government has got a fluctuation condition rather than linear trend. Therefore, it clears that after the revolution the general orientation of the economic policies during the first decade was based on redistribution, during the second decade on economic growth and since the middle of the third decade on redistribution again. The paper explains these instabilities within the framework of fluctuation model. Later, instead of providing an economic analysis, it will attempt to analyze the root causes of these instabilities through the prism of political sociology. Finally it concludes that during the post revolutionary era, the nature and structure of the renter state has caused this kind of instability at the macro-economic level.

Abstract

The political, cultural and economic structures have got increasing role in ecological developments. The existing data and findings are indicating the scope of devastative role of the human beings in degradation of the environment at the local as well as global level. As an implication of this role, the human security has been challenged globally and the environmental crisis has emerged in the multilayer security situation and finally the balance of the environment has been disordered. Unfortunately, the trend of the environment degradation has been increasing inIranduring the recent decades; as such we are the worst in some cases. Most of the above results are due to geographic location and topography of the land inIran, less attention to sustainability of the environment in planning and construction of the buildings, public unawareness and weak attention of the governmental organizations. Therefore, it seems that continuity of this situation, at least in the next two decades, will face the country with durable, costly and long lasting security challenges.

Abstract Industrial and technological activities of the last two centuries have highly overused ecologies available in our biosphere in a way that their continuity and stability will endanger our life and civilization. After the collapse of the Cold War geopolitical structure, environmental destructions and hazards caused social and political activists to react. Ecology has had a great effect on the security and policy literature due to its humane – environmental nature. As we know, ecology has different dimensions among which political ecology has helped researchers and political activists to reflect environmental destructions.    

Abstract Most of the scholars agree that the Modern Society has underwent a fundamental change and different terms, such as postmodern era, post-materialist society and so on has been used for characterizing this development. Abovementioned development, according to German sociologist Ulrich Beck, is not surpassing Modernity but is deepening of it. By coining the term of “risk society”, he tried to demonstrate that in late modern society, we have been facing the ubiquity of risk in every sphere of life and the vast knowledge of people regarding the risks. In that society, threats and risks are not in the form of natural disasters but are originated from the activities of human beings and technological developments.Any change in the threats and risks will be translated into the new policies, because one of the most important functions of politics is combating the threats.

Abstract In order to serve citizen rights, the police as the main responsible organization to maintain domestic security have to carry out some jobs which, right or wrong, are called interference in freedom, security or other citizen rights.To solve this problem which actually demonstrates a conflict of functions, a deeply surveyed and targeted training of citizen rights is needed. Therefore, the police efficiency is subject to training citizen rights to its personnel and other citizens too. Training and enlightening public opinion about citizen rights and the way to secure it can take away some misunderstandings in this regard. Training the police about citizen rights also can lead its personnel not to interfere in the rights of citizens, even if they are the accused or criminals. Therefore, the police efficiency in securing citizen rights will be increased.

Abstract According to the criminal law, the organized crimes have a unique characteristic which is the planned way of accomplishing. This indicates that in comparison with others, these kinds of crimes are not new ones and in spite of it, every crime can be accomplished in an organized manner. In the mean time, based on criminology, other than way of accomplishing, the organized crimes have two other characteristics including their financial and trans-national features. Whenever the above characteristics are linked to the perpetrators of organized crimes, the role of security as the subject of this crime is highlighted. However, despite of terrorism which mainly targets the citizens, these crimes are behaviors against economic and national security. Pursuing those crimes is not comparable to those on the streets or other coercive crimes. Due to the linkage between organized crime perpetrators and the power and also because of formalistic respect to the law and norms by them, police has not been so successful in identification and hunting those criminals.

Abstract Living in the wide range of diversities and the recognition of these diversities is among the most characteristic features of the modern world. Because of extensive and permanent migrations and the extensive and international communications and the globalization of economic activities, more or less, every society around the world has become diverse and multiethnic society. On the other hand, if we define the function of police institution as establishing order and security in a society, it become clear that this institution must be accommodated to the emerging trends and circumstances of its society. Accordingly, in many countries and even in many cosmopolitan cities, charters and codes of conduct has been designed, so that their aim being as making smoother and more effective functioning of police institution. After a brief discussion on the meaning and the content of concept of diversity, in this paper, central and common themes of abovementioned charters and codes of conduct, which were proposed for more effective working of police in diverse societies, will be examined.