Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract Introduction
West Asia has long been a hotspot for various forms of violence. The complex and multifaceted security threats in the region—coupled with the inherent fragility of states—demand that security be redefined within a new, regional framework. To break away from traditional security policies, there is increasing emphasis on the growing role of non-state actors, established norms, and cooperative security arrangements. In this context, the concept of governance is offered as a means to describe both the dispersion of power and the emergence of new oversight mechanisms that counterbalance state dominance. As a result, regional security governance is now seen as an important form of collective security. With this in mind, this study focuses on three key regional powers—Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia—to examine the process of security governance and the factors that shape it.
Methodology
The study employs a mixed-methods approach. On the quantitative side, international data were analyzed to review the progress of regional security governance over the past decade. For the qualitative aspect, a focus group session was conducted with 10 experts (9 men and 1 woman), and the discussions were analyzed using MAXQDA software.
Discussion and Results
In terms of persuasive (or soft) policies, Iran’s performance improved steadily, with its score rising from 20 in 2012 to over 24 in 2016. Conversely, Saudi Arabia’s persuasive policy score dropped from 48 in 2011 to about 33 in 2022, and Turkey also followed a downward trend. Regarding coercive (or hard) policies, Saudi Arabia achieved the highest score of 70 in 2015, while Iran recorded the lowest score of 40 in 2013. Additionally, Iran has been more effective in countering ISIS, whereas Saudi Arabia and Turkey escalated tensions with their military operations in Yemen and parts of Iraq and Syria, respectively. While Iran demonstrated that regional security is a top priority in its fight against ISIS, Turkey generally focused on protecting its borders from refugees and terrorist attacks, even seizing opportunities to intervene in Syria. The qualitative analysis identified 9 main categories and 25 sub-categories (with a total frequency of 310 mentions). Data analysis revealed that 84% of the obstacles to regional security governance in West Asia were associated with persuasive (soft) policies, while only 16% were linked to coercive (hard) measures. This finding suggests that before resorting to hard security tools, establishing regional security governance in this region should primarily rely on diplomatic dialogue and softer forms of engagement.
Conclusion
Focusing on Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, this research identifies both positive and negative factors influencing regional security governance in West Asia from 2011 to 2022. The study shows that security in the region cannot be ensured by governments alone. Instead, the active participation of non-state actors, international organizations, and a mix of persuasive (diplomatic and economic) and coercive (military and security) tools are crucial to shaping regional security governance. The analysis also indicates significant differences among the regional powers.Their national objectives tend to be almost diametrically opposed, resulting in a fluctuating form of regional security governance. For instance, the persuasive tools used by Iran in resolving regional disputes averaged a score of 22, compared to averages of 36 and 38 for Saudi Arabia and Turkey, respectively. While Saudi Arabia and Turkey show similar tendencies in their use of persuasive and coercive methods, Iran has taken a notably different approach. Reflecting on Europe's approach to regional security governance, it’s clear that after World War II, European nations were able to adopt a democracy-based framework with support from the United States that led to nearly uniform responses to conflicts.
However, in West Asia, the role of major powers has had the opposite effect—fueling tensions and exacerbating conflicts. Their involvement, most notably their support for the establishment of Israel, has contributed to major issues such as the Arab-Israeli wars, increased securitization, and a drift toward authoritarianism among regional governments. The military presence of extra-regional powers has pressured these countries to prioritize military solutions instead of diplomatic ones. Furthermore, the region’s geopolitical and economic significance continues to fuel competition among thses powers. Rivalries, such as that between China and the United States, have even led to bloc formations in the region, potentially undermining the development of regional security governance. Even the region's failed state- and nation-building process—which is seen as one of the main reasons why this form of governance has not been established in West Asia—has been influenced, to some extent, by the Sykes-Picot Agreement and by Israel.
The qualitative findings further highlight that regional powers’ abilities to protect their societies (by leveraging resources for defense and military intervention), combined with their unique interpretations of security and stability, domestic multi-actor dynamics (involving the role of non-state actors), and external delegations to regional organizations, are among the key factors shaping regional security governance. On the other hand, issues such as the Israel factor, extra-regional interventions, authoritarian tendencies, strategic culture, border disputes, and incomplete or unsynchronized political and economic structures have negatively affected its development.

Abstract  
Introduction
The rise of West Asia as a hub for various terrorist groups, many of which are linked to Islam and operate on a global scale, has led to a growing connection between global terrorism and Islam. According to data from the “National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START),” between 2012 and 2017, 17 terrorist groups conducted attacks in Europe, compared to 148 in the West Asia and North Africa. A key concern, beyond the number of active terrorist groups, is the severity of their violence. For instance, during this period, ISIS alone was responsible for 5,646 terrorist attacks, resulting in 39,744 deaths and 856 injuries. In 2012, Europe saw 13 attacks, while Iraq recorded 319. By 2017, Europe experienced 40 attacks (14 in Russia), whereas Iraq faced 1,160 attacks.
In explaining the factors behind the rise of terrorist groups and the intensity of their violence, particularly in West Asia, experts and analysts have pointed to various causes such as political instability, economic conditions, cultural characteristics, and psychological disorders. While each of these factors can shed light on aspects of the issue, it is essential to recognize that “terrorism is primarily linked to social factors.” Unlike criminal activities driven by selfish motives, terrorists often believe their actions serve a collective, altruistic goal, highlighting a deeply social dimension. Therefore, social factors, especially community-level trust, play a crucial role in understanding the formation of terrorism and the behavior of terrorists.
 
Methodology
The paper adopts a quantitative approach, is periodical in nature, and relies on secondary data sources such as The Legatum Prosperity Index, the Global Terrorism Database, and START. Trust and terrorism are examined as the independent and dependent variables, respectively. Data analysis was conducted using SPSS version 22. The study focuses on West Asian countries, with sampling performed using the hierarchical clustering method known as “Ward.”
 
Discussion and Results
Qatar ranks highest in institutional trust, with an impressive average score of 98, while Yemen lags far behind with a score of just 11, indicating the weakest institutional trust. In terms of generalized interpersonal trust, Yemen surprisingly leads with a score of 81, whereas Iraq records the lowest score at 31. On the international trust front, Qatar again performs well with an average score of 60, contrasting sharply with Iraq, which has the lowest score of 20.
Throughout the studied period, Iraq experienced a total of 6,205 terrorist attacks, averaging 443 attacks per year. Syria had the highest number of terrorist groups, with a total of 74 operating in the country, resulting in an average of over five groups conducting terrorist operations annually. Iraq also recorded the highest intensity of violence, with approximately 53,000 casualties, meaning that around 4,000 people were killed or wounded in the country each year.
Out of the nine possible correlations between the three levels of trust and various components of terrorism, five showed significant relationships. Specifically, there was a significant correlation between interpersonal trust and the number of attacks; institutional trust was significantly related to both the intensity of violence and the number of attacks; and international trust had a significant connection with both the number of terrorist groups and their attacks.
 
Conclusion
In general, this research aligns with the findings of other scholars in showing that in societies with high levels of interpersonal trust, the formation of terrorist groups is more likely, while an increase in institutional trust correlates with a decrease in violence. However, a unique finding of this study is that a rise in international trust has led to an increase in both the number of terrorist groups and their attacks in West Asia. This divergence from other research may be attributed to the deep roots of Islamic culture in the region and the anti-social tendencies of authoritarian rulers in West Asian countries, who, while engaging with globalization, lean toward liberalism. Therefore, it can be concluded that the lack of mature institutional structures in the region prompts citizens to respond by forming or joining terrorist groups, escalating both the number of attacks and the intensity of violence.

Abstract This article explores the factors that have led Germany to play a new and more serious security role in West Asia and looks at the threats and opportunities that such an approach presents for the Islamic Republic of Iran. For the purpose of this study, the authors have first examined Germany's foreign policy and the driving factors behind it and have then discussed the country's foreign policy in West Asia and the relevant determinants. The paper reviews Germany's security objectives in the region and the means to achieve them based on its macro policies such as its national security strategy in 2016. In the end, the implications of Berlin's role in West Asia for the Islamic Republic of Iran have been studied.
 
 

Abstract  The author intends to offer an epistemological understanding of terrorism in the West Asia from the social constructivist theory point of view. The author argues that terrorism is a historical, social, economic and cultural phenomenon rather than a political and criminal phenomenon. And it is driven from modernity and affected by its foundations and agencies and therefore it has a weak attachment to the pre-modernity age. In fact, terrorism has a connotation that belongs to modernity and grown-up from it's foundations.  However, it is not a passive meaning against the set is chapter but it's connotation paves the way to strengthen that phenomenon. The constructive relationship between the structure and agency in creation of terrorism is a continuous one and Knack of that meaning prevents terrorism to a marriage.

Abstract Enjoying the Mactour method, tho paper provides an illustration on the effect of strategies of different actors involved in the issue of terrorism in the West Asia region and their interactions. As the results show with decrease of financial and logistics support of Takfiri terrorism and strengthening the will to fight against terrorism, those groups are not capable to act in a situation that the actors are competing or not cooperating with each other. However, it's obvious that as long as the countries intend to abuse those groups and pursue their strategic goals and to push the terrorist groups against their own rivals, the crises will continue in the coming future.

Abstract  Due to geopolitical and regional developments and geo-strategic changes of the extra regional powers in the aftermath of the beginning of the 21^st century, the regional balance has been changed in favor of Iran and to the detriment of Saudi Arabia. This situation along with the domestic developments of Saudi Arabia including its new leadership have led to the understanding that if Iran's continuous influence would not be contained based on policy of rebuilding a regional balance, the future order of the West Asia should be Iran oriented order. Therefore, Riyadh has adopted an offensive policy and pursues the said policy absorbing three strategies of hardware balance, external balance and internal balance.  
 
 

Abstract Islamic republic of Iran, like other countries, tries to reach an assured defence power against its military threats. This assured defence power may cause security concerns of neighbor states, and mutually provoke them to improve their defence power. This situation is called security dilemma in strategic studies. The question of this article is that: how can we improve our defence power without causing arms race, increasing military threats, and other insecurities? Author argues that un-provocative defence strategy is the best way to assure defence power, while avoiding security dilemma.