Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract The 2015 migration crisis is considered a turning point in European Union policymaking, marking a period during which migration gradually shifted from a purely humanitarian issue to a matter with significant security implications. Within this context, the migration of Afghan citizens, intensified by the continued instability and collapse of political order in Afghanistan, stood at the center of these discursive transformations. Adopting a critical analytical approach and drawing on the securitization theory of the Copenhagen School alongside Fairclough’s three-dimensional model of discourse analysis, this study examines the representation of Afghan migration in the political and media discourse of the European Union between 2015 and 2025. The main research question addresses how Afghan migration has been represented in EU political and media discourse and what role these representations have played in shaping the Union’s migration policies. The findings indicate that the dominant narrative has primarily framed Afghan migration through terms such as “threat,” “border pressure,” and “irregular crossing,” with institutions such as Frontex and certain mainstream media outlets playing a significant role in reinforcing this discursive framework. In contrast, liberal media and civil society organizations have sought to advance narratives emphasizing humanitarian and legal dimensions; however, these narratives have largely remained marginalized within the dominant discourse. This study demonstrates how the linkage between language and power in the European Union’s security-oriented discourse has contributed to the formation of migration policies and to the institutional and media-level consolidation of particular understandings of Afghan migration.

Abstract  
Introduction
The relationship between Iran and European nations has experienced many ups and downs over the past two centuries. During the Cold War, Iran’s affiliation with the Western Bloc and the general congruence of policies led to an expansion in these relations. However, the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 brought about significant shifts in its political orientation, particularly in its foreign relations with the West. This resulted in a period of notable decline in Iran’s relations with the European Union. The current state of their relations does not match the potential of the two sides. This situation is attributed to a combination of fundamental issues and fabricated barriers, such as the influence of the United States and Israel. Overcoming these challenges hinges on the steadfast commitment of both. In this context, the utilization of their broad economic, political, cultural, technological, and security capabilities can foster collaboration and improve their mutual ties. This paper, while pointing out the obstacles in the path of fostering relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the European Union, seeks to present a geopolitical solution to overcome them.
Methodology
This paper is part of applied and problem-solving studies. Its research method is “descriptive-analytical” and the data, in addition to documentary sources, have been collected from interviews with relevant experts. Also, the method of data analysis is based on the authors’ inferential analyses, which, by considering the factors affecting relations (especially the obstacles to the development of relations), examines the strengths, weaknesses, advantages, and limitations of Iran and the European Union in different areas. After explaining the mutual needs, the areas of appropriate relationship development based on common interests and within the framework of a complementary strategy have been described.
Result and discussion
An examination of the relations between Iran and the European Union in recent decades shows that although in some periods and cases, we have witnessed the development of their relations, there have been many ups and downs and their relations have been tense and even critical at some times (including today). Various factors influence the current situation, the most important of which are political and cultural. However, given the different value-based, cultural, and normative contexts, the unresolved issues will prevent the further development of relations. In this regard, we can refer to the differing viewpoints of the two actors on issues such as human rights, terrorism, democracy, and regional developments, particularly the issue of Palestine. On the economy, although there are multiple contexts and mutual needs for the development of appropriate relations, including in the energy sector, we have not seen any progress in relations due to various reasons such as the heavy shadow of political issues, interventions by third parties, and sanctions. Regarding security, it is necessary to note that Iran has a unique geopolitical position and is a country that always plays a prominent role in global equations. The European Union is also seeking to consolidate and strengthen its position and become a major international power, and in this path, it prioritizes a “geopolitical approach over a normative one”. Therefore, although Europe and Iran do not have common interests in some areas, they do have shared security threats. In general, it can be said that the current situation of relations from a political, economic, and security perspective is not only not in the interest of either party, but also poses threats.
At present, Iran and the European Union lack a strategic relationship. Despite the ongoing conditions and regardless of the prioritization of the impact of effective factors in their relations, each of them has geographical and geopolitical advantages and limitations. The examination of these reveals the mutual need for the development of appropriate relations. Considering this inescapable reality, the importance and necessity of creating a pattern and process of participation and cooperation on a strategic scale become evident.
In the framework of this study's proposed strategy, known as “complementarity”, the two sides can act as complementary units of each other and address their respective needs. Based on this, some advantages and capabilities of the European Union and its members can meet Iran’s needs, and vice versa. In this way, a kind of complementary cycle and process can be created between the parties. This complementarity can occur in economic, political, security, cultural, scientific, and media fields.
Therefore, the position of the European Union in the international system and the regional and strategic role of Iran have created requirements for establishing a proper and comprehensive relationship. Despite the existing obstacles to developing relations, common threats such as terrorism, drug trafficking, organized crimes, migration, war refugees, and also mutual needs in areas like energy, trade, transportation, investment, technology, and sustainable security can pave the way for reducing and resolving misunderstandings, ambiguities, and tensions. This can lead to the formation of constructive relations within the framework of a long-term strategic agreement in various political, economic, cultural, and security fields.
In conclusion, although the negative political factors significantly influence the relations between Iran and the European Union, both can settle the problems, improve the situation, and even develop strategic-level relations by desecuritizing issues, adopting a geopolitical approach, and designing their relations based on a strategy of complementarity.

Abstract  This study seeks to answer the following question: given the dynamic development of the European Union and widespread changes since the fall of communism in Eastern Europe, which areas in Europe are considered to be the new strategic points and what are the European Union's main tools to control those areas? This paper explores the issue by assuming that new strategic points for European Union are fluid and identified by the type of threats they pose, and that the European Union's neighborhood policy is the main tool to dominate and control these strategic points. The findings of the study show that the humanitarian issues such as the refugee crisis, illegal immigration and human trafficking, as well as European Union's dependence on Russian energy resources, have transformed certain areas on the southern Mediterranean and Black Sea coastlines into new strategic points in Europe. Also, in the future, given the rigidity of EU geostrategy in the south, strategic points will be increasingly within the European Union borders, on the Mediterranean coastlines. Furthermore, we analyze new strategic points within the EU borders by introducing a new geostrategic model of internalization. Regarding the EU instruments of control, the use of the Neighborhood Policy tool in the East and South to manage strategic areas as well as border points is on the Commission's agenda.
 
 

Abstract Given the fact that convergence and divergence in transatlantic relations and the role of Britain in the European Union have always been two important and determining factors in the EU's relationship with Iran, this article asks what implications Brexit and the presidency of Donald Trump in the United States could have for transatlantic relations and Iran. This paper assumes that Brexit and Trump's presidency—which have led to an unprecedented gap in transatlantic relations and security deficit in Europe—have promoted the EU to move toward reducing its strategic dependence and defend its own values and interests. Past experience has shown that such developments offer unique opportunities for the expansion of the Islamic Republic of Iran's relations with Europe, particularly considering the fact that Iran is one of the main bones of contention that have driven a wedge between governments on the two sides of the Atlantic Ocean.  
 
 

Abstract This article explores the underlying factors behind the convergence and divergence of views of the United States and Europe on the Islamic Republic of Iran. In addition to investigating past trends and experiences, the authors have put forward the theory that the extent of divergence and convergence of the US and Europe on Iran depends on the level of Washington's success in presenting the Islamic Republic as a security threat to Europe. The more success the US has achieved in this regard, the closer their views have been on the Islamic Republic. Similarities in strategies and policies adopted by Europe and the US, the alliance between their leaders, the extent to which they approve of each other's policies under different administrations and the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy are factors which determine whether Europe would align itself with the US that could eventually lead to either a transatlantic divergence or convergence on Iran. 

Abstract This article seeks to study the institutional and legal measures taken by the European Union in the fight against terrorism since the beginning of the third millennium as well as the effectiveness and prospects of cooperation among EU states in this area as security issues are considered the greatest challenge to future convergence among the bloc's members. The study identifies the anti-terrorism policies pursued by the EU so far and examines the prospects of cooperation and convergence among the union and the role it can play as an international player in the campaign against terrorism. The article assumes that combating terrorism and ensuring the safety of European citizens would remain one of the major security objectives of the EU and would remain high on its agenda. The EU would pursue more active policies to give transnational institutions more leeway in the fight against terrorism and the potential of European institutions for cooperation on this issue will be further utilized.