Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract Introduction Tension and rivalry have been enduring features of relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia. Despite numerous diplomatic initiatives aimed at reducing bilateral frictions, efforts to establish a stable and cooperative relationship have achieved only limited success. Consequently, various forms of political and strategic conflict have characterized relations between the two states over the past forty-five years. Against this backdrop, this article seeks to identify and analyze the underlying causes of this persistent tension through a comprehensive, multi-layered analytical framework. The study addresses the following research question: What factors contribute to the persistence and escalation of tensions between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia, and how do these factors operate? To answer this question, the article employs the conceptual and methodological framework of Causal Layered Analysis (CLA), examining the roots of bilateral tensions across four interconnected levels: the litany level, the systemic level, the discourse and worldview level, and the metaphor and myth level. Given the exploratory nature of CLA, the study does not advance a formal hypothesis. The analysis covers the period from 1979 to 2024. Methodology This study examines the factors contributing to tensions in Iran–Saudi relations through the application of Causal Layered Analysis (CLA), a futures-oriented methodology developed by Sohail Inayatullah. CLA is designed to uncover the deeper causes and underlying structures of complex issues and is particularly useful for understanding multidimensional phenomena that cannot be adequately explained through surface-level analysis alone. Within this framework, the primary focus is on identifying and explaining the main drivers of existing tensions. Given the large number of variables that may shape future developments, the potential future consequences of these tensions fall beyond the scope of the study. The framework operates through four analytical layers. The first, the litany level, focuses on observable events, political actions, policy positions, and broader trends that shape tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia. The second level examines systemic causes, including political, economic, social, technological, environmental, and historical factors. In this study, particular attention is given to political and security dynamics at the domestic, regional, and international levels, as well as the broader historical and social conditions that influence bilateral relations. The third layer explores the discourses and worldviews that sustain and legitimize existing tensions. This includes an examination of dominant ideologies, competing narratives, and the interests and values of the principal actors involved. The fourth and deepest layer focuses on myths and metaphors, encompassing the collective stories, symbols, and often subconscious assumptions that shape political perceptions and behavior. At this level, the study investigates widely held myths and metaphors within both societies and assesses their role in shaping the worldviews that influence relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. Findings and Discussion The findings suggest that tensions between Iran and Saudi Arabia are sustained by multiple factors operating across different analytical layers. At the litany level, the rhetoric, policies, and actions of political leaders in both countries reflect and reinforce fluctuations in bilateral tensions over time. At the systemic level, differences in political and economic systems, geopolitical competition, and contrasting approaches to regional and international order emerge as major sources of conflict. Saudi Arabia’s conservative monarchical system and its strategic partnership with the United States stand in sharp contrast to the revolutionary identity of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its opposition to Western—particularly American—influence. These fundamental differences have produced divergent political orientations and patterns of international engagement, thereby contributing to persistent bilateral disagreements. In addition, limited economic interdependence, weak commercial ties, and the absence of significant economic complementarity have constrained opportunities for cooperation that might otherwise mitigate tensions. Regional competition for influence, leadership, and strategic prominence in the Middle East further intensifies and prolongs the rivalry between the two states. At the discourse and worldview level, identity-based and ideological differences constitute another important source of tension. Saudi Arabia’s Sunni-Wahhabi and Arab identity differs significantly from Iran’s Shi'a-Islamic and Persian identity, creating distinct political narratives and perceptions of regional order. Divergent worldviews and competing regional and international discourses have reinforced mutual suspicion and contributed to the escalation of tensions. Nevertheless, the declining influence of Wahhabism in Saudi Arabia, particularly in the context of the reforms introduced under Mohammed bin Salman, may reduce the salience of some identity-based and ideological sources of conflict. At the deepest level of analysis, myths and metaphors play a critical role in sustaining long-term patterns of distrust and hostility. Popular expressions such as “Ajam” (non-Arabs, Iranian), “Rafidi” (heretic), and “Bedouin Arab,” together with political metaphors such as the “Safavid Empire,” “American Islam,” and the “Wahhabi State,” reflect narratives associated with anti-Iranian and anti-Arab sentiment. These narratives function as powerful symbolic frameworks through which each side interprets the other, thereby reinforcing negative perceptions and perpetuating conflict. Although both countries have increasingly adopted pragmatic policies driven by economic and strategic considerations, such myths and metaphors remain deeply embedded within their historical memory and social consciousness. Consequently, reducing their influence is likely to require sustained and long-term efforts. Conclusion This study has examined the underlying causes of tensions between the Islamic Republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia through the framework of Causal Layered Analysis. The findings demonstrate that the persistence and escalation of tensions cannot be attributed to a single factor but instead result from the interaction of multiple causes operating at different analytical levels. At the litany level, leadership rhetoric and media strategies contribute to the reproduction of tensions. At the systemic level, differences in political and economic systems, coupled with regional and international competition, continue to fuel rivalry. At deeper levels, worldviews, identity-based factors, ideological discourses, myths, and metaphors play a significant role in sustaining mutual distrust and conflict. The study concludes that meaningful improvement in Iran–Saudi relations requires not only the management of immediate political disputes but also efforts to address deeper structural, ideological, and perceptual sources of tension. While changes in leadership perceptions and the mitigation of systemic conflicts may facilitate rapprochement, transforming deeply rooted narratives, myths, and collective perceptions is likely to be a far more gradual and long-term process.

Abstract Introduction
The issue of dual citizenship remains one of the main policy challenges in the Islamic Republic of Iran. This is largely due to the absence of a comprehensive and strategic approach, as well as differing governmental views on the subject. In contrast, many other countries have developed practical policies to manage the legal, political, and social dimensions of dual nationality.
This study examines the experiences of selected countries and evaluates their approaches to dual citizenship through the lens of national power. The central question is: “What lessons can Iran learn from other countries’ approaches to dual citizenship to improve its policymaking?”
The main hypothesis proposes that, while some countries still reject dual citizenship as a threat to their national power, many others have adopted a more pragmatic and positive view. These countries have reformed domestic laws and used international legal frameworks to minimize potential risks while turning dual citizens into a strategic asset for strengthening their national power.
 
Methodology
Where traditional perspectives tend to treat nationality and dual nationality in rigid legal or political terms, this study adopts a modern and qualitative approach. Using library-based research—including books, scholarly articles, and legal documents—it traces the evolution of attitudes toward nationality and dual nationality within the broader concept of national power, understood as the combination of a nation’s material and immaterial capabilities within its political and geographic boundaries.
 
Findings and Discussion
A review of global perspectives reveals a broad range of attitudes toward dual citizenship, from restrictive to permissive. Some countries, including China, Russia, and Japan, do not permit dual citizenship for their nationals, emphasizing the decisive role of population in national power. These countries often impose penalties, such as banning dual nationals from holding government positions.
In contrast, some countries argue that population size is no longer the primary determinant of power or security in the modern world. Consequently, they impose no restrictions on their citizens acquiring foreign citizenship. Indeed, global shifts in power structures, the expansion of digital communication that transcends borders, and the growing competition for human and financial capital have all prompted many states to reconsider their policies.
Today, many countries have adopted a more open approach to dual citizenship. On the one hand, they now recognize it for their citizens and have even amended domestic laws to facilitate this process. On the other hand, they have created internal legal frameworks and drawn upon international legal mechanisms to prevent potential political and legal complications arising from dual citizens. Recognizing the individual right to hold dual nationality, revising laws to ease travel and investment for dual citizens, and allocating parliamentary seats to citizens living abroad—many of whom hold dual nationality—are among the measures taken by countries with a balanced and pragmatic stance toward this phenomenon. At the same time, in terms of legal deterrence, these countries have sought to rely on internationally accepted doctrines and principles—such as the principle of state non-responsibility, the rule of primary nationality, and the theory of effective nationality—to manage potential political and legal challenges posed by dual citizens.
In Iran’s case, despite having between five and eight million citizens living abroad—many of whom are dual nationals—the country still lacks a unified policy on the issue. Although recent initiatives have taken a more moderate stance, inconsistencies remain. For instance, Iranian law prohibits dual nationals from public employment but allows them to serve as advisors, creating legal ambiguity and policy inefficiency.
Nevertheless, Iran’s recent approach signals a gradual shift toward engaging Iranians abroad as part of its broader strategy to enhance national power. Given that power today encompasses economic, cultural, and social dimensions—not only military and political ones—the Iranian diaspora can play a constructive role in countering anti-Iran sentiment and promoting international cooperation.
 
Conclusion
Dual citizenship has become a global phenomenon affecting nearly every country. States can broadly be divided into two categories: those that perceive it as a national threat (negative view) and those that see it as an opportunity (positive view). In Iran, although a negative attitude has long dominated, policymakers have increasingly recognized the need for reform. Recent years show a slow but clear movement toward acceptance and engagement with dual nationals as potential contributors to national development and diplomacy. Thus, while security concerns persist, the prevailing trend in Iran is shifting toward a more balanced and constructive view of dual citizenship as part of its national power.
Given these considerations, it is evident that formulating a coherent and strategic policy to address the issue of dual-national Iranians requires drawing upon the experiences of other countries. As the study findings indicate, although some nations—similar to the prevailing perspective in Iran—still view dual citizens as a potential threat to national cohesion and power, many others have recognized dual citizenship as a global reality. By moving beyond a purely negative or positive perception and adopting strategic policies aimed at maximizing engagement within a secure framework, these countries have managed to transform the challenges into a political, economic, and social opportunity both domestically and internationally.
In this regard, to address the question of dual-national Iranians while safeguarding national interests, Iran could initially follow the example of countries that regard dual citizenship as a personal matter, and subsequently establish mechanisms for mutual interaction between the government and dual citizens, paving the way for a comprehensive resolution of this issue.
 

Abstract By the end of the twentieth century, it became evident that a highly centralized model of government was a source of crisis, and that centralization alone could not solve the problems at hand. Supporting local and regional governance through institutions such as local governments has come to be seen as a marker of both development and maturity in societies. Over time, evolving ideas about governance have led societies to pursue more democratic practices and to actively work toward speeding up the democratization process. Essentially, modern governance is about integrating the interests of the state and its people through collaboration and interaction. To facilitate this, governments need to establish mechanisms that create suitable, decentralized structures, enabling various bodies with broad authority and significant responsibility to play active roles in delivering public services. However, the assumption of certain responsibilities by local governments should not be interpreted as undermining or challenging the power of the central government—instead, the central government still holds its supervisory authority over local administration.
Throughout Iran’s history, governments have typically been characterized by individualized, absolutist, autocratic, and self-centered approaches. This led to the establishment of a highly centralized system. However, with the success of the Constitutional Revolution and the spread of ideas about the rule of people and citizens’ rights, Iran took its first steps toward breaking away from centralization. This revolution paved the way for the creation of democratic institutions such as the constitution, parliament, and various civic associations. Thereafter, public involvement in determining the country’s future and in forming local bodies—like provincial and municipal councils—became increasingly important, with certain local responsibilities being transferred to these new institutions. As a consequence, changes in leadership brought about shifts in the way national cohesion was understood within the context of local governance. Based on these developments, this paper aims to answer the question: “What impact have the different models of local governance throughout contemporary Iranian history had on national cohesion, considering its social, political, and cultural dimensions?”
Methodology
To address this question, the study first identifies various types of local governance. It then employs a mixed-methods approach that combines qualitative analysis of historical events and trends with quantitative survey research utilizing questionnaires. In this regard, 31 researchers and senior experts in contemporary Iranian history were purposefully selected and asked to complete a questionnaire designed to assess the relationship between local governance models and the elements of national cohesion.
Discussion and Results
The findings indicate that the impact of different local governance systems on national cohesion has varied significantly across four historical periods (according to the Iranian calendar, 1275–1400 [1896-2021]). Evidence, drawn from historical trends and expert opinions, suggests that the highest level of national cohesion was achieved during the fourth period—corresponding to the Islamic Republic—which received a score of 3.47 out of 5. The Constitutional period followed, while both the first and second Pahlavi periods reported lower cohesion scores.
Conclusion
In the final analysis, it is clear that local governance in Iran was traditionally characterized by appointed, undemocratic, and top-down practices until the Constitutional Revolution. Modern local governance began with that revolution and has evolved considerably over the past century. The study finds that before the Islamic Revolution, city councils served as the symbol of local governance in Iran, whereas afterward, Islamic city councils took on that role. An examination of the laws, institutions, associations, and urban local councils reveals that despite some common themes, there have been significant differences influenced by the pressures of the times, the power of the ruling government, and the ongoing struggle between centralization (dominated by the central government) and decentralization (promoted by local councils and associations). Ultimately, brief periods of decentralization have given way to a prevailing trend of centralization, primarily due to the absence of a deep democratic culture and the authoritarian nature of the central governments.

Abstract Introduction
The governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran must align with its legitimizing discourse and demonstrate a coherence between this theory and practical governance. However, governance in Iran often wavers and oscillates between liberal and religious discourses. No political system can achieve long-term legitimacy through governance frameworks that are inconsistent with its core discourse. Therefore, this study aims to explore the concept of freedom within Iran's governance pattern. The Islamic Revolution in Iran achieved victory with the key slogan 'Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic,' yet some supporters see freedom as a disruptive concept and are unwilling to embrace it. On the other hand, critics often accuse this pattern of being in conflict with the notion of freedom.
Here, we try to demonstrate the desirability of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran and to answer the question, "What is the philosophy of freedom in this governance pattern, and why is it desirable?" The aim is to prevent theoretical mistakes in the discourse. Given the prevailing influence of liberalism and its discursive demands, in the absence of an alternative Islamic theory, it risks imposing itself on Iran's socio-political structure. Therefore, elucidating the philosophy of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic helps prevent incorrect theoretical and practical choices in governance.

 
Methodology
In this study, a "descriptive-analytical" approach was used for data collection through the "documentary" method. The data analysis was performed using the qualitative method of "text-based hermeneutics."
 
Discussion and Results
This paper presents a coherent and interconnected discursive framework that reflects the philosophy of freedom and the intricate balance between the dos and dont's in this context. Firstly, it discusses Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation), demonstrating that from an ontological perspective, the belief in Ma'ad (Resurrection Day) and God's system of reward and punishment necessitate human freedom, as freedom is essential for "spiritual trial." Additionally, within the Islamic Revolution's discourse on anthropology, the belief in human "free will" and the "inherent nature of freedom" make freedom a valued concept. Thus, in religious rules, freedom is defined as liberation from servitude to anyone other than God and liberation from tyranny and oppression. In this regard, freedom is understood as a "right," "duty," and "value."
 
Conclusion
In the Islamic philosophy of freedom, "Tawhid" (monotheism) stands as the central principle and foundation. There is a seamless connection between Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation) and Nizam-e-Tashri (The Order of Religious Legislation), forming a unified system. This linkage in Shiism is established through the belief in the intrinsic goodness and badness of actions. Such a belief ensures that the moral quality of actions is rational and aligned with Nizam-e-Takwin, creating an integrated order where the dos and don'ts are interconnected.
In this framework, the philosophy of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran is rooted in "Tawhid" (monotheism) principles. Freedom is regarded as a "right," "duty," and "value." This signifies that freedom is valuable because it is an inherent right. Furthermore, respecting and advocating freedom is a religious duty, which enhances its desirability. Additionally, freedom is recognized as a religious virtue. According to the Islamic worldview, humans possess free will and an innate inclination toward freedom. The system of rewards and punishments in Ma'ad (Resurrection Day) also necessitates human freedom, as the possibility of a spiritual trial depends on it, thus making the system logical.
Overall, this paper seeks to illustrate the philosophy of freedom within a cohesive and integrated system, emphasizing the link between Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation) and Nizam-e-Tashri (The Order of Religious Legislation) in the context of freedom. This represents a significant innovation in the study.

Abstract  
Introduction
The relationship between Iran and European nations has experienced many ups and downs over the past two centuries. During the Cold War, Iran’s affiliation with the Western Bloc and the general congruence of policies led to an expansion in these relations. However, the Islamic Revolution in Iran in 1979 brought about significant shifts in its political orientation, particularly in its foreign relations with the West. This resulted in a period of notable decline in Iran’s relations with the European Union. The current state of their relations does not match the potential of the two sides. This situation is attributed to a combination of fundamental issues and fabricated barriers, such as the influence of the United States and Israel. Overcoming these challenges hinges on the steadfast commitment of both. In this context, the utilization of their broad economic, political, cultural, technological, and security capabilities can foster collaboration and improve their mutual ties. This paper, while pointing out the obstacles in the path of fostering relations between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the European Union, seeks to present a geopolitical solution to overcome them.
Methodology
This paper is part of applied and problem-solving studies. Its research method is “descriptive-analytical” and the data, in addition to documentary sources, have been collected from interviews with relevant experts. Also, the method of data analysis is based on the authors’ inferential analyses, which, by considering the factors affecting relations (especially the obstacles to the development of relations), examines the strengths, weaknesses, advantages, and limitations of Iran and the European Union in different areas. After explaining the mutual needs, the areas of appropriate relationship development based on common interests and within the framework of a complementary strategy have been described.
Result and discussion
An examination of the relations between Iran and the European Union in recent decades shows that although in some periods and cases, we have witnessed the development of their relations, there have been many ups and downs and their relations have been tense and even critical at some times (including today). Various factors influence the current situation, the most important of which are political and cultural. However, given the different value-based, cultural, and normative contexts, the unresolved issues will prevent the further development of relations. In this regard, we can refer to the differing viewpoints of the two actors on issues such as human rights, terrorism, democracy, and regional developments, particularly the issue of Palestine. On the economy, although there are multiple contexts and mutual needs for the development of appropriate relations, including in the energy sector, we have not seen any progress in relations due to various reasons such as the heavy shadow of political issues, interventions by third parties, and sanctions. Regarding security, it is necessary to note that Iran has a unique geopolitical position and is a country that always plays a prominent role in global equations. The European Union is also seeking to consolidate and strengthen its position and become a major international power, and in this path, it prioritizes a “geopolitical approach over a normative one”. Therefore, although Europe and Iran do not have common interests in some areas, they do have shared security threats. In general, it can be said that the current situation of relations from a political, economic, and security perspective is not only not in the interest of either party, but also poses threats.
At present, Iran and the European Union lack a strategic relationship. Despite the ongoing conditions and regardless of the prioritization of the impact of effective factors in their relations, each of them has geographical and geopolitical advantages and limitations. The examination of these reveals the mutual need for the development of appropriate relations. Considering this inescapable reality, the importance and necessity of creating a pattern and process of participation and cooperation on a strategic scale become evident.
In the framework of this study's proposed strategy, known as “complementarity”, the two sides can act as complementary units of each other and address their respective needs. Based on this, some advantages and capabilities of the European Union and its members can meet Iran’s needs, and vice versa. In this way, a kind of complementary cycle and process can be created between the parties. This complementarity can occur in economic, political, security, cultural, scientific, and media fields.
Therefore, the position of the European Union in the international system and the regional and strategic role of Iran have created requirements for establishing a proper and comprehensive relationship. Despite the existing obstacles to developing relations, common threats such as terrorism, drug trafficking, organized crimes, migration, war refugees, and also mutual needs in areas like energy, trade, transportation, investment, technology, and sustainable security can pave the way for reducing and resolving misunderstandings, ambiguities, and tensions. This can lead to the formation of constructive relations within the framework of a long-term strategic agreement in various political, economic, cultural, and security fields.
In conclusion, although the negative political factors significantly influence the relations between Iran and the European Union, both can settle the problems, improve the situation, and even develop strategic-level relations by desecuritizing issues, adopting a geopolitical approach, and designing their relations based on a strategy of complementarity.

Abstract The modern era has presented two fundamental challenges in the management of intelligence activities. The first challenge is determining how to distribute intelligence powers and authorities between military organizations and civilian institutions. The second challenge is finding a balance between the secret investigative activities of intelligence agencies and a set of values and norms, including religious, moral, democratic, and legal principles and restrictions. Since the emergence of systematic and modern intelligence activity in Iran, coinciding with the formation of SAVAK - Organization of Intelligence and Security of the Country - in 1957, Iranian political and intelligence communities have gradually experienced both issues. To address the negative consequences of intelligence activity, theoretical efforts have been made to provide solutions for managing these two issues, which are briefly discussed here.

Abstract This paper is a comparative study of the Police Intelligence Organizations of Iran and Turkey. It is an applied study that utilized a qualitative approach and content analysis method. The library research section considered documents from the last ten years of the police intelligence organizations of both countries. Participants in the field section included deputy heads and heads of departments knowledgeable about the subject in Iran’s Police Intelligence Organization, Iran’s Interpol, Iran’s Anti-Narcotics Police, and Iranian liaison officers in Turkey. The comparison of documents from the two organizations was targeted and based on structure, content, and context using a three-pronged model. The data analysis method was a content analysis of documents and interviews. The results show that the police intelligence organizations of Iran and Turkey share commonalities in their hierarchy of authority, actions, and goals. However, differences can be observed in their formality, specialization, division of work, complexity, concentration, professionalism, technology use, environment, strategy, organizational culture, growth, and maturity. The findings also suggest that by recognizing and addressing its weaknesses - primarily related to a shortage of manpower and technology - and by reinforcing its spirit of belief, Iran's police intelligence organization can achieve significant success.

Abstract The experience of the last few decades has shown that the Islamic Republic of Iran has not performed well in the field of human rights, managing the reflection of internal protests, and justifying its regional policies. Part of this problem is due to external factors and the efforts of the anti-Iranian front; but the role and influence of internal factors cannot be ignored. Lack of common understanding of national interests among policymakers and those responsible for managing the international image of the Islamic Republic, security-oriented foreign policy and cultural exchanges, lack of an independent and responsible national institution in the field of national image, lack of institutionalized and defined communication/ division of work between active institutions in the field of public diplomacy and Iran's international image and not having a long-term plan in the field of public diplomacy and managing Iran's international image have been one of the most important internal obstacles and challenges in creating a favorable image of Iran in the world. Institutionalizing, national branding, actualizing the capacity of Iranians abroad, appropriate and targeted management of cultural agencies, accurate geographical/cultural/political target audience, optimal use of virtual space and management of daily messages are some of the solutions presented in this article to improve Iran's international image management.

Abstract The main question of the article is what is the good and appropriate basic discourse of the national security governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which can establish security in this system with the least cost, paradox and undesirable consequences? In response, the author argues that among the four discourses of "identity-based", "progress-based", "power-based" and "security-based", the basic and central discourse that is suitable for the Islamic Republic of Iran is the discourse of "identity Is the "basis" or identity. This central hypothesis or proposition of the article means that the pursuit of progress, equipping with power and building security is only in the light of the development of identity and belief that can bring maximum security in the Islamic Republic of Iran with minimum cost, paradox and adverse consequences. Of course, it is important that identity should be considered as the first and main priority which means that identity is not in the service of power, security and progress and is given priority over them. In this sense, turning away from the ideals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, or in other words, secularization; means a situation in which identity serves power, security and progress or acquires a secondary status in terms of importance. In this case, even security will be fragile and unsustainable.

Abstract In this study, using the method of documentary studies and significance-performance analysis 1, first the existing obstacles in the governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran are counted and in the next step, after nineteen interviews with officials, activists and experts in the field of governance and policy making and completing special analysis questionnaires. Significance - Performance, the importance and performance of these obstacles in the governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran have been studied and evaluated. Barriers such as "Sanctioning and Conditioning the Economy", "Corruption", "Lack of Transparency", "Weak e-Government", "Oil-Based Economy", "Privatization and Competitiveness", "Population Reduction and Window Closure" "Demographic" and "Defective budgeting system" have been considered by decision makers more than other cases, respectively. Also, based on the analysis and evaluation of the gap between the importance and function of obstacles, it is necessary to prioritize the obstacles of "political populism", "Accumulation of laws", "reduction of social capital" and "weakness in the planning system" respectively.

Abstract In this research, an attempt has been made to provide a model for assessing the national security coefficient of the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the topics in the Year Book of National Security, which focus on national security issues. For this purpose, content analysis strategy, decision tree logic and network analysis method were used and a conceptual model called "NAZAM" model was introduced, which includes four dimensions and consists of the initials of each dimension, which include insecure factors, security. The results of this study showed that the system's capacity dimension plays a role in the national security coefficient of the Islamic Republic of Iran more than other dimensions. Therefore, if the overall national security strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran is focused on increasing capacity, it will have a greater impact than the strategy to deal with insecure factors. Increasing the level of efficiency of the political system, improving the interaction between the three powers, increasing the political trust and social capital of the government, increasing the level of production, repairing the electoral system and increasing Iran's consensus-building power in international organizations, more than control and countermeasures against insecure factors will increase national security.

Abstract The IRI Foreign policy usually assumed as an apparent and coherent concept. This paper will show that IRI foreign policy is a floating signifier and always there have been serious discursive conflicts about its signification. By focusing on signification of "security" in opponent discourses in IRI foreign policy, present article will show that during IRI, there have been a fundamental contradict between two main discourses, i.e. cooperative and counter-hegemonic discourses. In fact, their articulations of security are absolutely different from each other, especially in relation to international order. The first one that was embodied in fifth and sixth states after Iran-Iraq war (then in seventh and eighth and after an interruption, in eleventh states, in updated versions) regarded international economic and political cooperation as a main way to security. In contrast, the opposite discourse that is mainly embodied in ninth and tenth states, under the presidency of Dr Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, considered resistance against international order, the real way to security. Precisely Speaking, these two opposite significations of security can't be reconciled in one signifier at the same time. So, the signifier took opposite meanings periodically.
 
 

Abstract There are several ways for strategy making that are traditionally used by researchers and organizations. In some cases, strategy- making using conventional methods has methodological challenges. In this research, the dynamic actor network analysis (DANA) method should be used for strategy making. For this purpose, a case study of the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Syrian nation-state-building process was selected. In this study, a case study strategy was used and the required data were collected by documentary study method and expert panel and analyzed using dynamic actor network analysis. The results of this study showed that the strategies of the Islamic Republic of Iran for nation-building in Syria include: accepting a secular political system, accepting Arab nationalism, strengthening the Ba'ath party along with encouraging non-identity parties, strengthening parliament against the presidency, strengthening the role of the army in politics and reducing The influence of the security agencies, Independence of the judiciary from the Ba'ath party, Encouraging the semi-socialist economy, Prevent the division of forces based on the Lebanese and Iraqi models, and Opposition to federalism.

Abstract Given the cultural-civilizational advantages of Iran, the use of cultural diplomacy can play an important role in improving soft power and securing the national interests of this country. In practice, the results of cultural diplomacy so far have not been satisfactory compared to the huge potential of the country. Despite some important achievements, this diplomacy has not been able to play a strong role in strengthening Iran's "international acceptance" status. Accordingly, the question of the article is why the cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran has not been able to have a significant impact on improving Iran's international status. In response to this question, the article addresses the problems and challenges of Iranian cultural diplomacy. Lack of a coherent strategy, neglect of the private sector, weakness of government agents, overcoming ideological views and the multiplicity of policy institutions are the most important factors involved in weakening the country's cultural diplomacy. This article, after reviewing and analyzing the issues, will reach some suggestions for the efficiency of cultural diplomacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Abstract Transforming the organizing of the governmental institutions in the Islamic Republic of Iran into a parliamentary regime is a concern in which has been the focus of some writers and experts in recent years. In theoretical approaches, some see the Parliamentarization as a strategy to overcome the current problems, but some believe that the problems does not consider arising from the current regime's model in terms of the form of separation of powers and sometimes the problem has been known with the current Quasi-presidential regime and the necessity to move on to the requirements of real presidential regime. There are also two distinct views among the supporters of Parliamentarization: one that considers changing laws as an automatic setting of conditions for the efficient establishment of the parliamentary system and another view that believes it must be first prepared the conditions of the parliamentary system and then make change with less risk.
 
 

Abstract In this article, the negative aspects of an oil-dependent economy and the opportunities that the tourism industry can open up for the Islamic Republic of Iran have been discussed, and the implications of this issue for the country's national security have been reviewed. This research assumes that profits from Iran's tourism industry can be a suitable alternative to oil revenues and help the country move toward sustainable development, which is one of the main requirements of sustainable national security.
 
 

Abstract It seems that the objective of the Trump administration's "maximum pressure" strategy toward Iran is Sovietization of the country or, in fact, the disintegration of the Islamic Republic of Iran through using the experiences of the Reagan administration in dealing with the Soviet Union. The findings of the present article show that the masterminds behind this project include Foundation for Defense of Democracies and certain right-wing and conservative think tanks in the United States such as the Heritage Foundation and American Enterprise Institute, which are the remnants of the administrations of George Bush senior or George W. Bush. The US State Department and the CIA are the executive arm of the project that involves US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, US special representative for Iran Brian Hook, and White House national security adviser John Bolton. According to this project, the collapse of the "Islamic Republic" or a change in the ruling political system is not enough and the main goal is the disintegration of the "Islamic Republic of Iran". However, the adoption of such a strategy does not necessarily mean that it will succeed and there, are factors that seriously impede the realization of this project.  
 
 

Abstract Iran and how to curb its regional influence has been one of the most important concerns of Saudi Arabia, especially over the past decade. The authors of this article maintain that the Saudis, through the adoption of a particular approach, has sought to expand their communication network in different areas in order to create integrated deterrence against Iran with the aim of compelling it to change its regional strategies. The main question asked in this article is how Saudi Arabia uses integrated deterrence to counter and contain Iran.
 
 

Abstract Given the fact that convergence and divergence in transatlantic relations and the role of Britain in the European Union have always been two important and determining factors in the EU's relationship with Iran, this article asks what implications Brexit and the presidency of Donald Trump in the United States could have for transatlantic relations and Iran. This paper assumes that Brexit and Trump's presidency—which have led to an unprecedented gap in transatlantic relations and security deficit in Europe—have promoted the EU to move toward reducing its strategic dependence and defend its own values and interests. Past experience has shown that such developments offer unique opportunities for the expansion of the Islamic Republic of Iran's relations with Europe, particularly considering the fact that Iran is one of the main bones of contention that have driven a wedge between governments on the two sides of the Atlantic Ocean.  
 
 

Abstract  
This article studies four sets of variables in the fields of "demography" (population rate, percentage of urban population, unemployment rate), "policy making" (volume of resources and oil production, GDP, the country's ranking in human development indexes), "social services" (average age of students and duration of education, share of health in GDP, Internet access), and "economic situation" (economic freedom). It intends to compare these variables in the Islamic Republic of Iran with those in two regions with similar civilizations and cultures, including countries in Central Asia and Southwest Asia. The findings of this study, which are based on international reports, show that the approach to social justice plays a considerable and decisive role in determining the efficiency or inefficiency of the political system in the Islamic Republic of Iran.
 
 

Abstract  Using an analytical descriptive method, this study aims to identify the patterns of cultural consumption among the middle class shaped by the cultural policies adopted by the Islamic Republic under three consecutive administrations from 1989 to 2013. The article concludes that the status of the middle class has exponentially increased in the cultural policies of the Islamic Republic despite the decline in their economic status in the country's major policies to the extent that their cultural consumption over the eight years from 2005 to 2013 has been more than the preceding 16 years since 1989.  This means that the middle class has been influenced by a range of factors beyond the traditional economic factors such as income, employment, and education, and has become a force to reckon with in the cultural field.