Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract The main question of the article is what is the good and appropriate basic discourse of the national security governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which can establish security in this system with the least cost, paradox and undesirable consequences? In response, the author argues that among the four discourses of "identity-based", "progress-based", "power-based" and "security-based", the basic and central discourse that is suitable for the Islamic Republic of Iran is the discourse of "identity Is the "basis" or identity. This central hypothesis or proposition of the article means that the pursuit of progress, equipping with power and building security is only in the light of the development of identity and belief that can bring maximum security in the Islamic Republic of Iran with minimum cost, paradox and adverse consequences. Of course, it is important that identity should be considered as the first and main priority which means that identity is not in the service of power, security and progress and is given priority over them. In this sense, turning away from the ideals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, or in other words, secularization; means a situation in which identity serves power, security and progress or acquires a secondary status in terms of importance. In this case, even security will be fragile and unsustainable.

Abstract The IRI Foreign policy usually assumed as an apparent and coherent concept. This paper will show that IRI foreign policy is a floating signifier and always there have been serious discursive conflicts about its signification. By focusing on signification of "security" in opponent discourses in IRI foreign policy, present article will show that during IRI, there have been a fundamental contradict between two main discourses, i.e. cooperative and counter-hegemonic discourses. In fact, their articulations of security are absolutely different from each other, especially in relation to international order. The first one that was embodied in fifth and sixth states after Iran-Iraq war (then in seventh and eighth and after an interruption, in eleventh states, in updated versions) regarded international economic and political cooperation as a main way to security. In contrast, the opposite discourse that is mainly embodied in ninth and tenth states, under the presidency of Dr Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, considered resistance against international order, the real way to security. Precisely Speaking, these two opposite significations of security can't be reconciled in one signifier at the same time. So, the signifier took opposite meanings periodically.
 
 

Abstract The discourse of the 11^th administration has taken shape based on the noble concept of "moderation" and its components include an interactive approach to the outside world, a moderate interaction model inside the country, an Iranian-Islamic model of development, a broad non-securitized model in the social field, non-mechanical cultural engineering, a combined-local-economic approach to national security with software orientation, creating a promotional model of the Islamic Republic, and a cultural approach to the fight against imperialism. Studies show that the moderation discourse has been effective in the fields of military security, political security, and social cohesion; has had a dual outcome in the area of economic security; and has a long way to achieve the stated goals in the field of environmental security despite some accomplishments.
 
 

Abstract Voting is one of the most well-known forms of political participation according to the political sociology. This political act as a reference can bring about different referents based on a number of discourses. According to the religious democracy, voting is not merely a political act but also is a religious affair and therefore can be assumed as a religious undertaking. But on the basis of the Western democracies, voting is a citizenship duty. These democracies believe that voting is of the least important form of political participation. Yet, the religious democracy considers the voting as a religious assignment. 

Abstract The current paper aims at illustrating the relationship between culture and security within the system of Islamic Republic of Iran. In this way, the main issue to discuss is that how culture can shape security in a political system? To answer this question, the author states that culture is not an actor and its role in shaping security is done through discourses and generations. Based on the theoretical framework of this paper, security of a political system is a result of compatibility of cultural discourses governing the state, current generation and old generations and if these three are not compatible to each other instability and disorder can emerge consequently. For the author, this conceptual framework can easily explain the issue of security in the Islamic Republic of Iran and so he offers some proposals about policy making in the field of national security of the country.

Abstract Abstract Securitization studies focuses on the process and mechanism of securitization of a phenomenon. The goal of these studies is to have a comprehensive understanding of effective factors and variables in securitization. The main question in securitization studies is “who, on what issues, under what circumstances, with what outcomes, does the securitization?” in other words, in securitization studies, we seek to understand “who speaks of security, and based on which threats speaks of security, why security is concerned and under what circumstances it is bolded, and at last, what are the outcomes of security”. This article tries to answer these questions.

Abstract Abstract The concept of strategy like many other concepts has been defined based on different temporal and spatial conditions, and everyone has defined it on his own perception. This article focusing on the concept of strategy, tries to analyse historical-discursive transformation of this concept to distinguish ambiguities and complexities of existing definitions, to show that these definitions are not a given ones, and can be de/re-construct. The main question of this article is to understand the logic of conceptual transformation of strategy, which author claims that can be best understood using historical-discursive method. In other words, this article instead of pure historical narration, or sole focus on given definitions, tries to combine both methods. Author by putting every definition in it’s historical context, tries to make ahistorical and meta-theoretical understanding of strategy.

Abstract

This paper aims at surveying the ways and means of power exertion through power technologies in soft war. This kind of war, more than others, is based on a productive power and this covers especial powers in the process of which the human being is taken as object, subject and so is controlled and criticized and then within the inter- subjectively accepted patterns, the power is exerted. Therefore, in spite of the popular definitions, soft war also implies a special type of violence which is structural and symbolic one. In this kind of war, instead of his body, the mind of human being is aimed to be dominated and then the human aspect of his environment is occupied and colonialized.  This process is realized through three simultaneous phases including stabilization of ones’ own values, destruction of other’s values and changing the second ones into first ones by using technologies of the productive power. To appreciate reference, discourse, culture and subject are some of the most important power technologies in soft war.

Abstract Postmodern scholars have developed three following statements and thus affected the method of cognition and study of social relations: First, perception of the world as the text and the necessity of interpreting it; second, basing knowledge on power and historical nature of truth; and third, distrust in meta-narratives. With the three above statements, the positivist presumptions and even positivist achievements were seriously challenged, because according to positivist observational experience, first the world was regarded as reality containing truth, second knowledge was achieved independently devoid of power relations, and third there is a universal code of rules and laws that is beyond time and space. Examining the important points in postmodern understanding, this article seeks to answer the question which relation exists between the study of strategic issues and recognizing the meaning and criteria of security and the methodological findings of postmodernism. On this basis, "the postmodern method of analysis rejects the legitimacy of modernity and its achievements, but it fails to propose any alternative on how to relieve of modern insecurity. The result of this incomplete view is the distrust of people and groups in the sources of power and prevalent interpretations of truth."