Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract Introduction
Political parties and electoral systems are among the core institutions that shape governance and political development. They play a central role in political socialization, elite organization, public participation, and the overall policy-making process. By creating policy discourses and linking political elites with the wider public, parties can foster policy learning, strengthen the rationality of governance, and contribute to the formation of coherent national visions. In contrast, electoral systems, as mechanisms for power circulation and legitimacy renewal, enable fair competition and the presentation of alternative governance ideas.
Despite the presence of formal party and electoral structures in Iran, weak institutionalization, populist tendencies, lack of organizational cohesion, absence of party culture, and unstable electoral laws have prevented political parties from becoming effective actors in policy-making and national planning. The study asks why Iranian political parties have failed to act as learning and mediating institutions that generate sustainable, vision-driven policies, and what structural obstacles have constrained their performance.
A historical overview of Iranian parties shows that since the early post-revolution years, their capacity for discourse formation and doctrine development has steadily declined. Short-term electoral rivalries and populist slogans have replaced long-term policy thinking. This shift has widened the gap between policy-making institutions and society, weakening representation, policy accumulation, and the creation of shared national visions. The paper therefore argues that reforming Iran’s party and electoral systems is a prerequisite for better governance and more effective national policy-making.
 
Methodology
This study adopts a qualitative, descriptive–analytical approach based on documentary and library research. It reviews theoretical sources, legal documents, and comparative experiences to assess the role of political parties in designing and guiding policy processes. The research is exploratory rather than hypothesis-testing.
The theoretical framework rests on three interrelated components—political discourse formation, political marketing, and policy accumulation—which together form a “functional triangle of political parties.” This model explains how parties can promote national visions by creating and communicating policy discourses, marketing their programs within electoral systems, and ensuring continuity in pursuing long-term policies. The concept of policy entrepreneurship is also used to highlight the innovative role of parties in developing and implementing governance ideas.
Data were analyzed through two main steps: (1) tracing the historical and discursive evolution of parties in Iran from the 1970s onward, and (2) comparing party and electoral systems in countries that have successfully maintained coherent national visions. Using institutional and comparative analysis, the study identifies the main sources of dysfunction in Iran’s party system and proposes directions for reform.
 
Findings and Discussion
In developed political systems, parties act as key intermediaries and learning organizations that drive the formulation and implementation of stable policies. In Iran, however, weak institutional foundations and insufficient accumulative infrastructure have undermined such a role. Iranian parties face serious limitations in all three functional areas: discourse formation, political marketing, and policy accumulation.
In discourse formation, personality-based politics, lack of policy training, and weak connections between intellectual elites and party organizations have prevented the generation of lasting governance ideas. In political marketing, elections are dominated by broad, populist slogans rather than evidence-based programs. In policy accumulation, the absence of continuity and coherence in pursuing policies has blocked learning cycles and the systematic transfer of experience in national policy-making.
The country’s legal and institutional frameworks also fail to support party development. The lack of a comprehensive party law, weak financial oversight, poor linkages between parties and parliament, and overreliance on individual politicians have reduced parties to temporary electoral vehicles rather than stable policy institutions. Declining public trust and legitimacy have further weakened the organic connection between society and elites, eroding parties’ ability to inspire hope and articulate shared futures.
Comparative evidence from Germany, India, and China indicates that idea-driven, coherent, and consultative party systems—characterized by sustained interaction between parties and the state—are most capable of producing vision-driven policies. Fragmented systems lacking institutional accumulation, by contrast, struggle to build stable national visions. In Iran, the weakness of political parties not only hampers participatory policy-making but also diminishes the nation’s “political capital of hope.”
 
Conclusion
The analysis shows that Iranian political parties, constrained by structural weaknesses, inadequate legislation, personality-centered politics, and short-term electoral goals, have been unable to contribute effectively to policy-making or the shaping of national vision. As a result, the policy process has become fragmented, reactive, and largely detached from long-term learning and participation.
Revitalizing the role of parties requires action in three areas:
1.         Institutionalizing party culture through civic and political education;
2.         Reforming the electoral system to enhance transparency, competition, and accountability; and
3.         Strengthening the legal and institutional status of parties within the governance framework.
Parties must also reclaim their capacity to generate vision-driven policies grounded in national discourses and collective rationality. Continuous interaction among policy-makers, academics, and civil society can raise the quality of policy-making and rebuild political hope. Ultimately, without a restructured party and electoral system, effective governance, sustainable development, and a coherent national future will remain out of reach. Political parties can become genuine producers of national vision only when they move beyond short-term electoral competition and act as central actors in learning, decision-making, and the creation of development-oriented policy discourses.
 

Abstract Introduction
Today, social media platforms have become a primary source of news and information for many, rivaling traditional television and satellite channels. In this landscape, coordinated rumors, fake news, deepfakes, and AI-generated content have emerged as powerful tools for undermining the legitimacy of individuals, institutions, and entire political systems. These developments point toward a growing phenomenon known as “computational propaganda”.
Computational propaganda refers to the use of algorithms, automation, and human oversight to manage social media ecosystems or to deliberately spread misleading content across these platforms.
In this context, the rise of computational propaganda presents serious challenges to the soft power of the Islamic Republic of Iran. While some government-affiliated groups have used these tools to defend and promote their image, misuse of such tactics has undermined the credibility of the political system. Meanwhile, domestic and foreign actors alike have increasingly exploited these techniques to weaken Iran’s influence by targeting its internal digital vulnerabilities.
Given the complexity and evolving nature of computational propaganda, it is essential to reassess how Iran can effectively protect its soft power in a competitive and often hostile information environment.
 
Methodology
This study adopts a mixed-methods approach, combining thematic analysis (qualitative) and social network analysis (quantitative).
The research begins by analyzing tweets related to the "Operation True Promise 2", using social network analysis to identify posts influenced or supported by Israeli propaganda. A selection of these tweets is then subjected to thematic analysis to determine which propaganda strategies, as outlined in the theoretical framework, were most commonly used against Iran.
First, tweets containing the hashtags or keywords "Iran", "Israel", "True Promise", and "missile" were collected using data-mining tools. A retweet network graph for the relevant tweets was then created and analyzed using the Force Atlas 2 algorithm. The Gephi software was also used for visualizing and analyzing the graph.
For the thematic analysis, axial coding was applied, based on five key computational propaganda strategies. Each strategy was operationally defined in relation to the Iranian context:
1- Supportive Content: Posts showing support for Israel, advocating war against Iran, or promoting Reza Pahlavi as a viable opposition figure aligned with Israeli interests.
2- Attacks and Exposés: Criticism of the Iranian leadership, the "Operation True Promise 2," and Iran's regional policies, as well as mockery of Iran’s missile capabilities and accusations about intentionally keeping airspace open.
3- Distraction: Attempts to divert public attention away from the "Operation True Promise 2".
4- Polarization and Division: Content aimed at creating rifts between the government and the people of Iran.
5- Harassment and Suppression: Personal attacks or online harassment targeting supporters of Palestine or the "Operation True Promise 2", often through ridicule or mockery.
 
Discussion and Results
The data indicate a clear level of coordination among monarchist users and pro-Israel accounts. This is evidenced by analyzing retweet patterns. On average, there was 1 retweet per 11.55 likes across all users. However, among regular users—who tend to be apolitical—this ratio was 1 retweet per 51.31 likes, suggesting little to no coordination. In contrast, among monarchist users, the ratio was 1 retweet per 9.31 likes, implying higher levels of coordination and deliberate message amplification.
Among the tweets analyzed, humorous content received the most likes. This was followed by posts criticizing the Iranian political system, Supreme Leader, the "Operation True Promise 2", and Iran’s regional policies—especially those mocking the country's missile capabilities. Tweets in support of the government, the resistance axis, or opposing war received the next highest levels of engagement.
 
Conclusion
The findings clearly show that Israeli information operations have been actively used to damage Iran’s credibility and redirect public opinion toward alternative figures. Among the five identified strategies, “attacks and exposés” were the most prevalent. Simultaneously, efforts were made to frame Israel as a hero and Reza Pahlavi as a political alternative.
This study highlights how emerging technologies such as artificial intelligence and social media have opened new avenues for political systems to influence rivals and boost their own power. Computational propaganda, in particular, has become a powerful tool that can directly threaten the political integrity of other nations—and one that even weaker states can deploy against more powerful ones.
Addressing this challenge requires new strategies and a fundamentally different approach to governance, including changes in media, social, cultural, and political policies. Such strategies should aim to enhance the credibility of domestic media, build public trust in political leadership, and reduce societal and political tensions.

Abstract Introduction
West Asia has long been a hotspot for various forms of violence. The complex and multifaceted security threats in the region—coupled with the inherent fragility of states—demand that security be redefined within a new, regional framework. To break away from traditional security policies, there is increasing emphasis on the growing role of non-state actors, established norms, and cooperative security arrangements. In this context, the concept of governance is offered as a means to describe both the dispersion of power and the emergence of new oversight mechanisms that counterbalance state dominance. As a result, regional security governance is now seen as an important form of collective security. With this in mind, this study focuses on three key regional powers—Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia—to examine the process of security governance and the factors that shape it.
Methodology
The study employs a mixed-methods approach. On the quantitative side, international data were analyzed to review the progress of regional security governance over the past decade. For the qualitative aspect, a focus group session was conducted with 10 experts (9 men and 1 woman), and the discussions were analyzed using MAXQDA software.
Discussion and Results
In terms of persuasive (or soft) policies, Iran’s performance improved steadily, with its score rising from 20 in 2012 to over 24 in 2016. Conversely, Saudi Arabia’s persuasive policy score dropped from 48 in 2011 to about 33 in 2022, and Turkey also followed a downward trend. Regarding coercive (or hard) policies, Saudi Arabia achieved the highest score of 70 in 2015, while Iran recorded the lowest score of 40 in 2013. Additionally, Iran has been more effective in countering ISIS, whereas Saudi Arabia and Turkey escalated tensions with their military operations in Yemen and parts of Iraq and Syria, respectively. While Iran demonstrated that regional security is a top priority in its fight against ISIS, Turkey generally focused on protecting its borders from refugees and terrorist attacks, even seizing opportunities to intervene in Syria. The qualitative analysis identified 9 main categories and 25 sub-categories (with a total frequency of 310 mentions). Data analysis revealed that 84% of the obstacles to regional security governance in West Asia were associated with persuasive (soft) policies, while only 16% were linked to coercive (hard) measures. This finding suggests that before resorting to hard security tools, establishing regional security governance in this region should primarily rely on diplomatic dialogue and softer forms of engagement.
Conclusion
Focusing on Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, this research identifies both positive and negative factors influencing regional security governance in West Asia from 2011 to 2022. The study shows that security in the region cannot be ensured by governments alone. Instead, the active participation of non-state actors, international organizations, and a mix of persuasive (diplomatic and economic) and coercive (military and security) tools are crucial to shaping regional security governance. The analysis also indicates significant differences among the regional powers.Their national objectives tend to be almost diametrically opposed, resulting in a fluctuating form of regional security governance. For instance, the persuasive tools used by Iran in resolving regional disputes averaged a score of 22, compared to averages of 36 and 38 for Saudi Arabia and Turkey, respectively. While Saudi Arabia and Turkey show similar tendencies in their use of persuasive and coercive methods, Iran has taken a notably different approach. Reflecting on Europe's approach to regional security governance, it’s clear that after World War II, European nations were able to adopt a democracy-based framework with support from the United States that led to nearly uniform responses to conflicts.
However, in West Asia, the role of major powers has had the opposite effect—fueling tensions and exacerbating conflicts. Their involvement, most notably their support for the establishment of Israel, has contributed to major issues such as the Arab-Israeli wars, increased securitization, and a drift toward authoritarianism among regional governments. The military presence of extra-regional powers has pressured these countries to prioritize military solutions instead of diplomatic ones. Furthermore, the region’s geopolitical and economic significance continues to fuel competition among thses powers. Rivalries, such as that between China and the United States, have even led to bloc formations in the region, potentially undermining the development of regional security governance. Even the region's failed state- and nation-building process—which is seen as one of the main reasons why this form of governance has not been established in West Asia—has been influenced, to some extent, by the Sykes-Picot Agreement and by Israel.
The qualitative findings further highlight that regional powers’ abilities to protect their societies (by leveraging resources for defense and military intervention), combined with their unique interpretations of security and stability, domestic multi-actor dynamics (involving the role of non-state actors), and external delegations to regional organizations, are among the key factors shaping regional security governance. On the other hand, issues such as the Israel factor, extra-regional interventions, authoritarian tendencies, strategic culture, border disputes, and incomplete or unsynchronized political and economic structures have negatively affected its development.

Abstract Introduction
Security theories have evolved significantly over time. Traditionally, pre-Cold War theories regarded security as a one-dimensional concept, primarily focused on military strength and defense. However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, these traditional views lost prominence due to their inability to address and resolve emerging security challenges. In response, more comprehensive approaches emerged, framing security as a multidimensional concept that encompasses economic, political, social, and environmental factors. Among these modern theories is the concept of “sustainable security.” This theory argues that the problems and issues of human societies have economic, political, and social roots.
In this context, drug trafficking has emerged as a significant issue within Iran's political economy, impacting both domestic and global security over recent decades. The province of Sistan and Baluchistan, which shares borders with Afghanistan and Pakistan, has become a critical entry point for drugs into Iran. Each year, large quantities of narcotics are smuggled across its borders.
This paper examines the political economy of narcotics, specifically the dynamics of drug trafficking. The central research question is “How does the political economy of narcotics in Sistan and Baluchestan province affect security and stability in Iran?” The innovative aspect of this study lies in its focus on a localized, provincial level of analysis. By applying a political economy framework to drug trafficking, the research aims to elucidate the phenomenon of narcotics trafficking and its security implications.
Methodology
This research employs a “conventional content analysis” methodology to examine news coverage of insecurity in Sistan and Baluchestan province over the past decade. Additionally, a “post-event analysis” was utilized to evaluate security trends in the province. Data sources include library materials and both official and unofficial reports from the Iranian police. To ensure reliability and validity, these reports were qualitatively validated through field interviews with experts and local residents.
Discussion and Results
According to a 2018 official report, 75% of the heroin and 75% of the morphine found in Iran originated from Pakistan, with the remaining portion entering directly from Afghanistan. In 2020 alone, police seized 311,136 kilograms of drugs and arrested 67,994 individuals on drug-related charges. These figures underscore the significant role that drug trafficking plays in the political economy of Sistan and Baluchestan province.
The production, distribution, and consumption of opiates have profoundly impacted the economic conditions and livelihoods of the people in this Iranian province. From this perspective, the political economy of narcotics emerges as a survival strategy for some citizens who lack adequate social security and welfare, forcing them to turn to the drug trade as a means of earning a living. Here, the term “political economy” refers to the dominant mode of production in a society, which encompasses both political and economic spheres, with a dynamic and reciprocal relationship between the two. This interplay directly and indirectly affects other societal domains, including security. The political economy of Sistan and Baluchestan province has a unique structure that significantly influences Iran's security. The province's production system includes both formal sectors, such as industry, agriculture, and services, and informal sectors, such as trafficking in humans, goods, fuel, weapons, and drugs.
Conclusion
This paper shows that the political economy of narcotics has significantly contributed to the escalation of violence in Sistan and Baluchestan province and its neighboring areas. This includes the proliferation of weapons, kidnappings, hostage-taking, addiction, and murder, culminating in organized violence. The findings indicate that, although an exact estimate of the narcotics economy’s scale remains elusive, it closely aligns with the official statistics for the province. The shortcomings of the official political economy have enabled the informal one - particularly the narcotics trade - to expand substantially, leading to severe negative security impacts.
 

Abstract Introduction
In international politics, states are continually working to expand their influence in other countries and regions. The need to maintain a balance of power between rival or adversarial states has been a fundamental aspect of the nation-state system. Consequently, states are persistently seeking to identify and engage balancing forces in their surroundings to counter threats posed by alliances and coalitions of opposing powers.
However, when a state cannot find balancing forces within its immediate region, it may seek to counterbalance threats by extending its influence beyond its territorial neighborhood. This strategy allows the state to shift the dynamics of power and reduce pressure from adversaries. The Islamic Republic of Iran's growing focus on non-neighboring countries and regions outside the Middle East reflects this approach. Over the past four decades, regional rivals and adversaries have exerted substantial pressure on Iran, leading to significant developments such as the eight-year Iran-Iraq war and extensive international sanctions. In response, Iran's foreign policy has actively sought allies beyond its region, from Central Asia and North Africa to the Arabian Peninsula, South America, and, more recently, West Africa. In this context, Southeast Europe, particularly the Balkans, has also emerged as a key area of focus.
Since the Islamic Revolution, particularly from the 1990s onward, Iran has actively sought to leverage cultural, political, military, and economic ties to establish its presence and influence in the Balkans. However, Kosovo's independence and the relative resolution of the longstanding 200-year crisis have transformed the political landscape in the region. These changes have created a new dynamic environment, altering the domestic political conditions of regional actors and reshaping the priorities and presence of trans-regional actors. This paper seeks to address the question, “What opportunities and challenges did Iran's foreign policy encounter in the Balkans between 2008 and 2023 within an evolving political context?”
Methodology
In this study, a strategic planning approach is employed using the SWOT model to identify and analyze the opportunities and challenges faced by Iran's foreign policy in the Balkans. The analysis begins by evaluating Iran's internal strengths and weaknesses in its interactions with other influential states in the region following the significant changes in 2008. Subsequently, the opportunities and threats emerging from this diplomatic landscape are outlined. Finally, the paper examines how Iran has leveraged international opportunities in the Balkans to mitigate its internal weaknesses and counter regional threats by capitalizing on its own capabilities.
 
Discussion and Results
The findings reveal that Iran has struggled to use its military and economic tools to bolster its influence in the post-conflict Balkans, particularly given the expansion of NATO and the European Union in the region. As a result, Iran has shifted its focus to cultural diplomacy, using its ties with the Muslim population, promoting the Persian language, and at times, focusing on leftist anti-establishment sentiments to enhance economic exchanges with Balkan countries. However, this approach has also exposed Iran to new threats in the Balkans, including NATO's expansion, increased activities by Israel and Saudi Arabia to counter Iran's influence, the establishment of the U.S. missile defense shield, the spread of Salafism, and the presence of the Mujahedeen-e Khalq in the region.
Conclusion
Research data indicate that Iran has attempted to leverage its military, economic, and cultural resources to enhance its influence in the post-conflict Balkans. However, in the military-security domain, factors such as NATO's eastward expansion and the perception of the Balkans as a traditional sphere of influence by Russia and Turkey have limited Iran's ability to get a foothold. Economically, the gradual integration of Balkan states into the European Union, coupled with competition from rivals like China, Saudi Arabia, and Israel, has created significant challenges for Iran. Moreover, international sanctions have critically undermined Iran's capacity to fully utilize its economic potential in the region.
Culturally, Iran's focus on forging ideological connections, rather than promoting its cultural heritage, Persian language, and historical ties, has sparked concerns about the spread of its political Islam in the Balkans. This ideological approach has also been ineffective in countering the growth of Sunni Salafism among the region's Muslims. As a result, Iran's confrontational cultural strategy in the post-conflict Balkans, rather than fostering stronger political and economic relationships, has fueled Iranophobia. Ultimately, it should be said that a shift in Iran's cultural diplomacy and emphasizing its cultural assets and language, could open new political and economic opportunities in the Balkans.

Abstract This study aims to develop a functional model of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC/SHOAM) in the national security governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The authors have attempted to represent and prioritize the dimensions, components, and effectiveness criteria of the council. A combined approach and factor analysis method was used to construct the model. Research data was collected through documentary-comparative techniques, expert interviews, and questionnaires. The research findings reveal a functional model with 46 criteria, which are prioritized into the following seven components: policy-making, rule-making, overseeing, arbitrating, coordinating, managing crisis, and supporting. These seven components fall under the three functions mentioned in the constitution, namely “policy determination”, “affairs coordination”, and “threat counteraction”.

Abstract This article examines the impact of identity policy reflected in education textbooks on Iran's national security. The main question is what is the effect of the identity policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the textbooks of social studies in the first year of high school on national security? The research method is based on the technique of qualitative content analysis with a deductive approach and three books of social studies of the first period of high school that were taught in Iranian schools in 1399-1400 have been studied. Findings indicate that the studied books provide a disproportionate and unbalanced picture of attention to different dimensions and trends of national, ethnic, religious, religious and gender identity. In addition, even little attention to the identity components of modernity and Sunnis has often been accompanied by a negative orientation. This kind of applied identity policy does not strengthen the prominent multiple identities of students, which will weaken the national identity and ultimately threaten national security.

Abstract The purpose of this study is to survey the different types of ethnic political actions in Iran and the process of their formation and development in different states of government and government, With the intention of helping to analyze the ethical roots of ethnicity and policymaking by presenting patterns of political action of Iranian ethnicities. Albert Hirschman's theoretical framework of "protest, exit and loyalty" is used for Surveying the pattern and process of ethnic political action.
 

Abstract  
 
 
This study deals with the role of historiography in preserving Iran's territorial integrity. The author believes that historiography in all periods of Iranian history has been a most important tool for preserving and reproducing Iranian territorial identity. It also strengthened the nationalism and has increased the importance of Iran's territorial integrity to elites and public opinion.  
 

Abstract  
The purpose of the article is to examine King Salman of Saudi Arabia's approach towards Iran and the strategy of the Islamic Republic of Iran against Saudi actions. This paper hypothesizes that Saudi Arabia under King Salman has more than ever attempted to securitization of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the role of "functional actor". The main finding of this article is that support for securitization of Iran's regional role in the Middle East has been a key focus of Malik Salman's Saudi policy toward Iran. The new Saudi leaders have emphasized on what they called "Iran's destructive regional role" and tried to highlight Iran's policies and actions in the Middle East as the main threat to regional stability and security to mobilize various capacities against Iran. Although these measures have exacerbated security pressures against the Islamic Republic of Iran, however, trying to securitization of Iran has faced significant restrictions and challenges.
 

Abstract Studies and analyses carried out about the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), have not properly and accurately addressed the impact of the agreement on Iran's strategic status. This article seeks to study and analyze the impact of the JCPOA on Iran's strategic status in the international system through defining an exact and measurable framework. The authors have studied and measured the impact of the JCPOA on Iran's strategic status with the help of documents and resources available in libraries or on the Internet and by using SWOT analysis to identify strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats. The results and findings confirm the research assumption that the JCPOA has elevated Iran's strategic status in the international system.
 
 

Abstract Studies and analyses carried out about the 2015 Iran nuclear deal, officially known as the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), have not properly and accurately addressed the impact of the agreement on Iran's strategic status. This article seeks to study and analyze the impact of the JCPOA on Iran's strategic status in the international system through defining an exact and measurable framework. The authors have studied and measured the impact of the JCPOA on Iran's strategic status with the help of documents and resources available in libraries or on the Internet and by using SWOT analysis to identify strengths, weaknesses, opportunities, and threats. The results and findings confirm the research assumption that the JCPOA has elevated Iran's strategic status in the international system.
 
 

Abstract The purpose of this article is to study the concepts of balance and stability in Russia's Middle East policy and the resulting threats and benefits for Iran. In the author's view, Moscow believes that establishing balance and strategic stability at two levels could help secure its long-term interests, given its limited resources and regional dynamics, particularly the potential of regional instability and threats spilling over fast to adjacent areas and the international stage. Balancing relations with the United States and contributing to efforts aimed at forging balanced relations between regional powers are the two principles of balance at the regional level that Russia is following to achieve its major aim of ensuring strategic stability. Although cooperation with the United States as part of Russia's macro policy of balance and stability within the framework of global governance creates certain restrictions for Iran, some aspects of it, including the deterrence it provides against destabilizing moves by the United States and its allies, are in line with Tehran's interests.
 
 

Abstract This article intends to explore what approach can help the Islamic Republic of Iran and the West cooperate and interact in a desirable way in the era of globalization. The study's hypothesis is that "adopting Habermas' liberating hermeneutics based on dialogue, action, and communicative rationality as well as criticism of tradition and historical prejudices in the era of globalization can help create understanding and relative agreement between Iran and the West so that their interests can be served."
 
 

Abstract This article explores the factors that have led Germany to play a new and more serious security role in West Asia and looks at the threats and opportunities that such an approach presents for the Islamic Republic of Iran. For the purpose of this study, the authors have first examined Germany's foreign policy and the driving factors behind it and have then discussed the country's foreign policy in West Asia and the relevant determinants. The paper reviews Germany's security objectives in the region and the means to achieve them based on its macro policies such as its national security strategy in 2016. In the end, the implications of Berlin's role in West Asia for the Islamic Republic of Iran have been studied.
 
 

Abstract This article explores the underlying factors behind the convergence and divergence of views of the United States and Europe on the Islamic Republic of Iran. In addition to investigating past trends and experiences, the authors have put forward the theory that the extent of divergence and convergence of the US and Europe on Iran depends on the level of Washington's success in presenting the Islamic Republic as a security threat to Europe. The more success the US has achieved in this regard, the closer their views have been on the Islamic Republic. Similarities in strategies and policies adopted by Europe and the US, the alliance between their leaders, the extent to which they approve of each other's policies under different administrations and the Islamic Republic of Iran's foreign policy are factors which determine whether Europe would align itself with the US that could eventually lead to either a transatlantic divergence or convergence on Iran. 

Abstract  Due to geopolitical and regional developments and geo-strategic changes of the extra regional powers in the aftermath of the beginning of the 21^st century, the regional balance has been changed in favor of Iran and to the detriment of Saudi Arabia. This situation along with the domestic developments of Saudi Arabia including its new leadership have led to the understanding that if Iran's continuous influence would not be contained based on policy of rebuilding a regional balance, the future order of the West Asia should be Iran oriented order. Therefore, Riyadh has adopted an offensive policy and pursues the said policy absorbing three strategies of hardware balance, external balance and internal balance.