Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract Introduction
The quest for establishing and preserving peace has been a constant in human societies, giving rise to a multitude of theories and viewpoints. Among these, Norwegian peace researcher Johan Galtung introduced a novel perspective on the concept of peace in 1969, challenging the modern definitions. He argued that peace extends beyond the mere absence of war. Instead, it requires the eradication of all forms of violence and the establishment of enduring peace through the creation of new societal and political institutions, attitudes, and structures.
Galtung distinguished between two types of peace: negative and positive. Negative peace, he explained, is focused on preserving peace through diplomatic means. On the other hand, positive peace is about building non-exploitative social structures, irrespective of the likelihood of war. Thus, while negative peace is about upholding the status quo, positive peace aims toward the formation of new structures, which are the outcome of peaceful interactions among individuals and the management of their differences with due regard to the legitimate needs and interests of everyone involved in important matters.
Given the extensive body of Galtung’s work and the wide range of his views, this paper attempts to answer the question, “What are the key elements of achieving positive peace in Galtung’s thought?” Furthermore, we seek to develop a conceptual model that explores the potential intellectual foundations for achieving positive peace as perceived by other scholars.
Methodology
This study, devoid of any preconceived hypothesis, aims to uncover and elucidate a pattern of relationships among the conceptual elements that constitute positive peace in Galtung’s thought. The research is qualitative, exploratory, and employs a descriptive-analytical approach. Initially, Galtung’s works are examined in the context of positive peace using a document analysis method, which is part of a targeted descriptive study. Subsequently, an effort is made to pinpoint the crucial conceptual elements for achieving this kind of peace using an analogy method grounded in logical reasoning. Finally, a conceptual model is suggested by forming a logical linkage among these elements.
Result and Discussion
The research findings show that Galtung, through his unique approach to peace, posits that the objective of peace is not merely to halt war, but also to unify human society by eradicating the roots of structural violence. In fact, he advocates for the development of harmonious and peaceful relationships that integrate the economy, identity, and various groups within society.
Within the context of Galtung’s positive peace theory, social harmony cannot be achieved unless a country’s domestic policies address the growing human needs. Without this, the international environment could also become more tense. Thus, by drawing parallels between peacemaking/peace stabilization and the health approaches in disease prevention and treatment, he divides the concept of peace into two types: positive and negative.
Galtung proposes at least two therapeutic interventions in the realm of peace: firstly, the remedial measures of negative peace aimed at eradicating violence, and secondly, the preventive measures of positive peace intended to avert the onset of violence. In this context, negative peace underscores the importance of diplomatic peacekeeping initiatives, while positive peace (even in the face of unlikely warfare) concentrates on fostering peace and creating non-exploitative societal structures.
Thus, the causes of war should not be solely attributed to the actions of individual or group decision-makers. Instead, the objectives of peace influence a multitude of issues that hinge on fulfilling basic human needs and enhancing the quality of life. In this regard, Galtung advances two topics in parallel. Firstly, he identifies four types of societal relationships - positive harmony, negative harmony, disharmony, and neutrality - and assesses the achievement of positive peace based on the outcomes of these relationships. Secondly, he examines the dynamics of violence and underscores the need to replace the “good” with the “evil”.
In summary, this paper strives to draw logical connections among various themes in Galtung’s pacifist thoughts. The concluding remarks suggest that the resolution of structural contradictions, such as exploitation, colonialism/imperialism, discrimination, and poverty, should go hand in hand with corrective efforts to transform violent structures. This transformation requires the collective participation of all society members to shape their own future and to institute political equality and economic justice. Ultimately, if these efforts lead to the establishment of positive harmony and foster a sense of unity within society, then the goal of achieving positive peace will be realized.

Abstract  Introduction
In a nation-state, the constitution is often viewed as the most direct embodiment of the social contract. Legislators regard its amendment as a means to accommodate evolving needs and demands. While the 1979/1358 Constitution of the Islamic of Iran did not acknowledge revisions, the 1989/1368 version introduced the principle of revision under Article 177. However, despite over three decades passing and the rapid societal and global changes, this constitution remains unamended. The apparent disinterest in revision seems to stem more from the inherent challenges associated with the principle of revision itself, rather than a lack of changing circumstances. Previous studies have not thoroughly detailed the process of revision and the subsequent steps. Recognizing this gap, this paper identifies the challenges inherent in the constitution and proposes solutions to overcome the difficulties.
Methodology
This study employs an ‘Exploratory Research’ methodology, transforming seemingly ordinary issues into a central ‘problem’ that becomes the focus of subsequent investigations. The methodology of this research emphasizes a ‘thick description’ as a crucial initial step. Such a description aims to examine the context of events and interpret their significance. In describing the 'problem' of revising Iran's constitution, the researcher engages in discerning layers of meaning, reinterpreting them, as well as analyzing actions and dialogues that held significance for all individuals involved in the process of ratifying the Constitution.
The primary question of this study is: What problems impede the revision of the Iran constitution? Given the historical perspective and the nature of the question posed, a ‘thick description’ is employed to identify problems. By analyzing diverse data, the study aims to elucidate certain ‘problems’ encountered in the revision of the Constitution of the Islamic Republic of Iran.
Result and Discussion
As per Article 177 of the Constitution, amendments are made in necessary instances following specific procedures. As inferred from this article, the review process itself, along with the institutions and authorities involved in it, constitute some of the factors that pose challenges and complications in its implementation:
 
The authority initiating the constitutional revision process: As per the stipulations of the Iranian Constitution, a comprehensive revision cannot occur without the directive of the Supreme Leader. Essentially, without his consent, partial amendments are only possible in instances explicitly stated as exceptions by the law. Furthermore, while the Supreme Leader is obliged to seek the advisory opinion of the Expediency Council, he retains the discretion to either accept or dismiss their suggestions.
Establishing the terms for Constitutional revision: The designation of certain provisions and issues as ‘non-revisable’ in Article 177 of the Constitution, when viewed broadly, may pose challenges for future generations in addressing societal needs. Concurrently, several principles, as per this article and subject to diverse and conflicting interpretations, could be deemed non-revisable, thereby rendering any form of revision seemingly impractical and superficial.
The composition of the Constitutional Revision Council and the problem of power centralization: At present, the Revision Council is projected to have around 87 members, with 17 of them being directly elected by the people.
The procedure of constitutional revision and the problem of ambiguity: The primary issue with the implementation of the constitutional revision procedure is the ambiguity stemming from the lack of clear guidelines in the law.
The process of approving constitutional amendments and the problem of public participation: Given that the Supreme Leader appoints nearly two-thirds of the Constitutional Revision Council members, it’s crucial to ensure diversity and consider various perspectives in their selection. This approach should reflect the opinions of the Iranian people, which is particularly important for the successful revision of the constitution.
 
In general, the primary objective of constitutional revision is to ensure the continuity of law and safeguard citizens’ rights across different periods. While Article 177 of the Constitution addresses this, several obstacles hinder the revision process. These include ambiguity in initiating the revision process, unclear guidelines on which articles can be revised, a structure that potentially centralizes power, limited circulation of elites, and minimal citizen participation in legal processes. These problems pose significant hurdles to the process. In fact, the magnitude of these legal and customary issues and ambiguities has made updating the Constitution a daunting task.
 

Abstract Introduction
In the context of policy-making, the extent to which Iran’s security apparatus addresses both internal and external threats to national security in the southeast region has significant implications for the challenges and future security of the Sistan and Baluchistan province. This study, while analyzing security threats in the southeast region, seeks to answer the primary question: “What are the key factors in strengthening the national security of the I.R. of Iran in the face of security threats in the southeast region of the country.”
The hypothesis of this study says that “the fundamental factor in ensuring the security of the southeast region of Iran is relying on smart security, based on three elements of promoting social awareness (through social elites), economic development (through the development of economic infrastructure in the region, Makran coast, and border trade) and creating people-oriented security (relying on the experiences and roles of social elites and leaders of the Baloch people).”
Methodology
The paper tries to address the following objectives to a reliable point to present the factors for promoting Iran's national security policies in the strategic region of the country’s southeast:

a) Reconceptualizing Iran’s strategies for addressing threats and challenges in cyber/virtual space and social action environments;
b) Formulating a novel security management policy tailored to the region’s current complex conditions;
c) Proposing a model for fostering soft social security between the political system and the country's southeast region; and
d) Offering a critical analysis of Iran’s security management policy in the southeast region and envisioning a favorable scenario.

 
Result and Discussion
The research findings indicate that building “soft security” and moving away from the “hard” approach is the most effective way to enhance the region’s security. Based on this, it is emphasized that “the fundamental factor in ensuring the security of the southeast region of Iran is relying on smart security, based on three elements of promoting social awareness (through social elites), economic development (through the development of economic infrastructure in the region, Makran coast, and border trade) and creating people-oriented security (relying on the experiences and roles of social elites and leaders of the Baloch people).”
However, the ethnic-religious sentiments in the southeast of Iran and the mental frameworks developed among the Baloch about themselves and others have been significant contributors to security instability. Expecting stable security in this region would be unrealistic unless the government alleviates the sense of relative deprivation and the tangible indicators of such deprivation. Therefore, instead of merely addressing the symptoms in security domains, we should seek the root causes. Concentrating on breaking the vicious circle of “ethnic-religious tensions”, “modern ignorance”, and “poverty and economic inequality” could be highly beneficial in this regard.
In addition, considering the following recommendations can inspire policymakers to make better decisions in order to improve the security structure of the region:

Launching swift initiatives to address economic issues by establishing economic and manufacturing entities across the entire province of Sistan and Baluchistan;
Fostering the cooperative sector with the aim of job creation, promoting social equity, and empowering the middle and lower-income segments of the community;
Implementing and advancing sustainable development and security strategies, and pursuing a unified approach among all local, provincial, and national authorities;
Establishing enduring and long-term (sustainable) economic prospects for the region’s inhabitants, such as advancing the development plan for the Makran coast;
Utilizing the potential and diversity of tribes, ethnic groups, and religions, securing the approval of local residents and Sunni religious authorities for the execution of development initiatives in the province, and prioritizing underprivileged areas;
Establishing a unique economic zone and a maritime-focused economy, giving adequate consideration to tourism and leisure service sectors, as well as setting up desalination facilities to supply potable water to towns and villages;
Strengthening cultural foundations and bridging cultural divides through media, public education, higher institutions, and religious centers; and

● Encouraging intercultural dialogues and fostering social and economic interactions among religions, while setting aside ethno-religious tensions.

Abstract Introduction
Historically, intelligence has consistently been under political scrutiny, with intelligence elites often perceived as political servants. Intelligence, leveraging its ability to operate covertly, strives to supply the necessary data for policymakers to make informed decisions. Essentially, the primary objective of intelligence is to aid users in decision-making processes regarding potential actions. Against this background, it becomes crucial that intelligence remains unbiased and is not swayed by the political inclinations of a country’s political factions and parties, internal and external organizational interests, or the personal interests of politicians.
Intelligence operations should be conducted independently of political goals, and only the results derived should be presented to politicians. Fundamentally, intelligence agencies should prioritize national interests and remain detached from political, group, and personal interests. Thus, supporting policy-making differs from favoring a policy to the extent that objectivity is overlooked. The quintessence of the ideal relationship between intelligence and politics should be articulated as follows: Intelligence should serve the realm of politics, not its political overlords.
However, when the political environment influences intelligence to the point where intelligence outputs demonstrate a political leaning, we observe the phenomenon of intelligence politicization. Literature on intelligence indicates that politicization occurs when intelligence analysts, whether consciously or unconsciously, are swayed to generate outcomes that align with policymakers’ desires, rather than delivering the truth. This scenario represents a significant departure from the fundamental responsibility of intelligence, which is to tell the truth to those in authority.
 
Methodology
The politicization theory is formulated within the context of case studies. Essentially, it’s a research approach that involves the use of one or more case examples to construct theoretical frameworks, propositions, or mid-level theories, all of which are grounded in case-specific and empirical evidence. The key idea is that the employment of case examples forms the foundation for theory in an inductive way. In this approach, the theory evolves by identifying patterns of relationships both between and within the structures of case examples and their inherent logical arguments. This type of theory is rooted in the theorizing methodology of Paul R. Carlile and Clayton M. Christensen, following the pyramid of theorizing. Here, the politicization within intelligence agencies (both domestic and international) is examined through methods such as observation, interviews, and the study of secondary documents (library research). Following the theoretical framework of Carlile and Christensen, multiple cases were initially investigated. Subsequently, the observed elements were categorized. The relationships among the identified elements were then discerned. Ultimately, the primary propositions were established.
 
Result and Discussion
The theory of intelligence politicization encompasses two primary dimensions as detailed below:

Behavioral Dimension of Politicization

This refers to the elements that form the foundation of politicization within an intelligence organization. In the absence of these elements, politicization would not manifest. However, since some of them are inherent to the nature and essence of the intelligence organization, they internalize and institutionalize politicization. This dimension of politicization is deemed a necessary, but not sufficient precondition for the emergence of politicization in intelligence organizations. The behavioral dimension is subdivided into three categories: intelligence officer behavior, organizational behavior, and environmental behavior.
The behavior of the intelligence officer is influenced by a collection of factors that shape their individual actions. Organizational behavior is determined by factors that originate from the organization and its structure. Environmental behavior encompasses all factors that exist outside the intelligence organization, essentially residing in its external environment.

The Process Dimension of Politicization

This dimension refers to the actions and processes that give rise to politicization. By actualizing politicization, they induce alterations in the structure of politicization. This represents one of the sufficient, but not necessary, preconditions for the occurrence of politicization within intelligence organizations.
The process dimension of politicization is divided into three categories: “high process factors”, “low process factors”, and “online process factors”. The first encompasses all elements that are influenced by the policymaker to instigate politicization within the intelligence organization. The second refers to those elements that are executed by intelligence officers (except senior intelligence directors) to induce politicization. Given that in governmental bureaucracies, the appointment of directors is a critical phase in policy making and its execution, the emergence of politicization by intelligence directors is categorized separately under the third label of “online process factors”.

Abstract Introduction
This study aims to answer the question "What are the key elements of administrative corruption in contemporary Iran?" Based on the results, the factors contributing to administrative corruption include the construction of political power; rentier government; state-controlled and non-competitive economy; political subject culture; weak civil organizations; lack of transparency, accountability, rule of law, and free media; political and administrative instability; weak judiciary and regulatory bodies; inefficient organizational structure; oversized government; the ethical standards of the governing elite; societal values; and the state of political parties and competitions. Despite the implementation of sound policies and measures in the Islamic Republic of Iran, the intended outcomes of an Islamic system in terms of preventing and addressing administrative corruption have not been realized. Furthermore, Iran’s position in the rankings of international organizations does not reflect the standards and expectations of the Islamic system and society.
 
Methodology
This paper employs both quantitative and qualitative approaches. Initially, studies on administrative corruption in contemporary Iran were reviewed, and the underlying causes and structural contexts were identified through qualitative content analysis. Subsequently, Open, axial, and selective (OAS) coding techniques were utilized, and their logical integration across three stages led to the determination of 20 final elements. Upon analyzing the data gathered during the open coding stage, a total of 354 concepts related to the causes and structural contexts of administrative corruption in Iran were ultimately derived.
Following this, during the axial coding stage, a logical sequence is established among the identified elements. To discern patterns in the data, a constant comparative analysis is performed again. This process involves comparing and integrating the coded data into suitable components. During the axial coding phase, 20 structural elements were identified. It’s worth noting that the roots of all these elements extend beyond the era of the Islamic Republic, tracing back to the times of the first and second Pahlavi governments, and even the Qajar era.
 
Result and Discussion
Given the fundamental distinction between the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran and its predecessors, and its focus on revolutionary ideals, particularly the pursuit of justice and the battle against corruption, it is crucial to address the structural shortcomings in these areas. Hence, the primary recommendations are as follows: lessening reliance on oil (a policy of the siege economy/resistance economy); instituting the rule of law; emphasizing transparency and enacting relevant laws; abolishing monopoly and fostering competition; diminishing the government’s role and size; bolstering the private sector; empowering regulatory bodies; ensuring political stability; enhancing democracy and civil organizations; supporting free and independent media; reforming the administrative structure; implementing e-government; advancing access to information; facilitating a platform for public oversight; increasing accountability; fostering religious culture and lifestyle; strengthening the government’s internal controls; and promoting education and awareness.

Abstract Introduction
Despite high expectations, the attempts of Saudi Arabia and Israel to forge political and diplomatic ties reached an impasse. The two countries, which had employed secret diplomacy for a decade to effect this change, were unable to leverage the potential inherent in such diplomacy to succeed and formalize relations. This paper primarily investigates the causes of this failure. The central hypothesis posits that while this issue is partly linked to the Operation Al-Aqsa Flood in October 2023, the principal reason pertains to the unique process of “secret diplomacy”.
The secret diplomatic efforts between Riyadh and Tel Aviv not only fell short of achieving the outcomes both parties sought, but were also destined to fail from the outset due to the absence of a clear strategy, their one-sided approach, Israel’s anti-diplomacy style, Saudi Arabia's deceptive diplomacy, and finally, the inconsistency in the United States' foreign policy. This paper aims to elucidate the reasons for this failure by employing a historical analysis method, focusing on the nature of the past secret diplomacy between the two countries.
 
Methodology
The methodology of this paper is based on historical analysis, meaning that we will scrutinize the current and future state of secret diplomacy between Saudi Arabia and Israel, drawing on the historical trajectory of each actor’s secret diplomacy. Given that their secret diplomatic interactions are ongoing, the most critical data and rationale for assessment lie in their past behavior in previous instances of secret diplomacy.
 
Result and Discussion
Based on the results of this study, the factors shaping secret diplomacy between Israel and Saudi Arabia are the following:

Countering Iran’s influence in the Middle East
The preparedness of the United States to withdraw from the Middle East or diminish its military footprint in the region
The inability of the United States to effectively counter Iran on nuclear and regional matters
The interest of the United States in a significant compromise in the Middle East due to security considerations and its internal political issues
The escalating aspirations of Turkey
The mutual economic interests of both Israel and Saudi Arabia

The factors contributing to the unsuccessful secret diplomacy between Riyadh and Tel Aviv, encompassing Saudi Arabia’s domestic issues, its bilateral ties with Israel, and its relations with other countries, are outlined as follows:

Excessive prolongation of negotiations (bilateral relations with Israel)
Internal political shifts within the United States (third parties)
Saudi Arabia’s substantial expectations from the United States in military, nuclear, and security aspects (third parties)
The Israeli anti-diplomatic stance and lack of flexibility on the issue of Palestine (bilateral relations with Israel)
The widespread impact of the Operation Al-Aqsa Flood on the Arab world and Saudi society (Saudi domestic issues)
Saudi Arabia’s observation of Israel’s vulnerability and subsequent adjustments (third parties)
The agreement between Saudi Arabia and Iran with the mediation of China and stopping the war in Yemen (third parties)
The enhancement of relations between Turkey and Saudi Arabia, along with Saudi Arabia’s reconciliation with Qatar (third parties)
The absence of a roadmap for secret diplomacy (bilateral relations with Israel)
Recognition of the high and negative costs associated with establishing formal relations with Israel in the aftermath of the Operation Al-Aqsa Flood (Saudi domestic issues).

In summary, it can be said that Saudi Arabia continues to pursue the establishment of formal political ties with Israel. However, this necessitates a more flexible stance from Tel Aviv and a departure from its anti-diplomatic approach, and political shifts within the United States. Saudi Arabia is willing to make concessions, provided that the U.S. government aligns with Riyadh’s interests and ensures the desired demands are met.