Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract  
Introduction
In Iran's educational system, "Religion and Life" textbooks play a pivotal role in conveying cultural and religious values. Recognizing that a well-developed human capital is crucial for national progress and independence, it becomes essential to analyze these textbooks to determine how well they align with students' cultural needs. This study examines the cultural components featured in textbooks at the upper secondary education level, focusing on both individual and social dimensions. The aim is to identify the strengths and weaknesses in the content and to propose practical recommendations for improvement.
Methodology
This study adopts a descriptive-quantitative approach using content analysis. The sample comprises the "Religion and Life" textbooks for three grades (Grade 10: 168 pages, Grade 11: 240 pages, Grade 12: 176 pages). Data were gathered with a content analysis checklist that focused on key cultural components (such as hijab, responsibility, renunciation of extravagance, maintenance of kinship ties, loyalty, and self-respect). The collected data were then organized and analyzed using tables and charts.
Discussion and Results
Overall, the cultural components are mentioned 318 times throughout the textbooks. Of these, 248 refer to the individual dimension, while only 70 pertain to the social one. Although the individual aspect is important, the social dimension is even more critical. This imbalance is evident, and there is a clear recommendation to bolster the social components in the textbooks.
The imbalance among specific components is also noticeable. The frequency of references to hijab is the highest, whereas the renunciation of extravagance is mentioned the least. While discussions on hijab are both timely and significant, the other components are equally important. Hence, it is recommended that a balanced representation of cultural components be established in textbooks for Grades 10, 11, and 12, with a view to progressively enhancing the underrepresented areas. For example, whereas Grade 10 shows the highest percentage for the hijab component (17.29%), Grade 11 records an extremely low percentage for the renunciation of extravagance (0.94%). This steep decline highlights a lack of balance and suggests insufficient attention to critical cultural issues.
Conclusion
The study underscores the need for equilibrium among cultural components in "Religion and Life" textbooks to fully address the comprehensive cultural needs of students. The findings reveal that while textbook authors have concentrated on individual aspects like hijab and self-respect, social elements—such as maintaining kinship ties and fostering responsibility—are unevenly covered, especially in higher grades. This content imbalance calls for a thorough revision of the textbooks to ensure that both individual and social dimensions are well represented.
Key recommendations include a comprehensive content review conducted with the participation of curriculum planning specialists and psychologists, a stronger emphasis on social components in upper-grade textbooks, the adoption of innovative teaching methods to enhance content impact, and a dynamic approach to addressing the evolving cultural needs of Iranian-Islamic society. Such reforms could significantly reinforce the role of these textbooks in cultivating a generation with a robust cultural identity and effective social skills.

Abstract Introduction
Since the early 2010s, “Video On Demand” (VOD) has steadily captured an increasing share of Iranian media consumption and has begun to play a key role in the country’s overall media landscape. From its inception until now, there have been many disputes among various executive bodies about how VOD should be regulated, and no clear, optimal regulatory framework has been established. To envision an ideal scenario, it’s necessary to analyze the historical background first. This study seeks to establish a preliminary framework for regulation by identifying key historical events, segmenting the timeline using major milestones, and then pinpointing the emerging issues. The ultimate goal is to support and help policymakers in designing strategies that reflect the sector’s evolving complexities, based on documented evidence.
Methodology
This research employs documentary studies and interviews with experts and well-informed professionals. Data were analyzed using a descriptive and analytical approach. Themes were extracted from historical events and organized into analytical tables in chronological order. Expert feedback helped to identify key historical turning points, leading to the division of the timeline into distinct periods. For each period, a summary of the relevant themes was provided. Using these tables, the regulatory issues in the VOD sector were further categorized. Finally, to ensure the validity of the findings, the analytical tables were shared with experts, and additional input was incorporated based on their advice.
Discussion and Results
Based on the findings, the evolution of VOD regulation in Iran can be divided into five periods, each marked by historical milestones:

Period of Ambiguity and Instability (2011–2019)
Period of Stabilizing Iran's Audiovisual Media Regulation Authority (SARTA) (2019–2021)
Period of SARTA’s Decline (2021)
Period of Management and Approach Changes at SARTA (2022)
Period of Early Convergence (2023 and Beyond)





Period Title


Date


Measures Taken




Ambiguity and Instability


2011


The Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance appointed the Institute of Visual Media to regulate and propose legal frameworks for VOD




2014


IRIB was tasked with overseeing comprehensive audio-visual content (including VOD) per an order from the Supreme Leader




2015


A directive from the Supreme Leader to the then-President underscored IRIB’s exclusive mandate to regulate comprehensive audio-visual media in the digital space




2016


SATRA, under IRIB, was launched




Stabilizing SARTA


2019


Efforts focused on stabilizing the licensing process for audio-visual media platforms under SATRA, with intervention from the prosecutor’s office marking the end of fragmented regulation in the VOD sector




2020


Additional steps were taken to stabilize licensing for digital content by including a dedicated budget line for SATRA in the 2020 Budget Law and transferring production permits to IRIB.




SARTA’s Decline


2021


Responsibilities within IRIB became divided after the establishment of a Secretariat for the Production Permit Council within its Planning, Programming, and Budget Center (the “Almas” system). This coincided with efforts by the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance under the 13th government to reclaim regulatory authority, as evidenced by the removal of SATRA’s budget line in the 1401 Budget Law




Management and Approach Changes at SARTA


2022


A change in SATRA’s management brought about shifts in regulatory approaches and altered the organization’s interactions




Early Convergence


May 2023


A memorandum of understanding was signed between IRIB and the Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance under the auspices of the Office of the Supreme Leader.




July 2023


The Supreme Council of the Cultural Revolution passed a resolution aimed at better organizing comprehensive audio-visual content




 
Based on the analysis of these developments, the study identified several key regulatory challenges in Iran’s VOD sector:

Lack of Political Consensus: There is significant internal and inter-agency disagreement—especially regarding private sector activities—with various bodies alternately viewing them as opportunities or threats.
Outdated Legal Framework: Unclear platform responsibilities—and, more broadly, an ambiguous legal framework governing their rights and obligations—along with vague regulatory competencies, the lack of clearly defined duties for some regulators, the way offenses and penalties are legally codified, insufficient guidelines for international interactions among platforms, weak rules on foreign investment, and inadequate child protection measures are all issues in urgent need of legal reform.
Impact of Political Change: Frequent shifts in government and political priorities have significantly influenced policymaking and regulation, undermining public trust.
Fragmentation of Regulatory Bodies: There is an excessive number of decision-making organizations compared to the real market players, leading to fragmented governance.
Unclear Institutional Relationships: The roles and boundaries between regulatory bodies and other institutions (legislative, executive, and judicial) are undefined, resulting in overlapping authorities and interference.
Conflicts of Interest: Competing interests at both intra- and inter-organizational levels have led to conflicts in regulatory practices.
Unresolved Theoretical Issues: Persistent questions remain on issues such as whether broadcast regulations should be the same as broadband ones, where the boundary lies between comprehensive and non-comprehensive content, and what the optimal regulatory model should be.
Incomplete Regulatory Approaches: Some regulators tend to adopt overly restrictive policies instead of more facilitative ones; in some cases, there is a narrow focus solely on content, neglecting industrial and economic aspects.

Conclusion
The study concludes that the main challenges in VOD regulation stem from a lack of policy consensus and the proliferation of governance bodies in the media sector. The key recommendation is to develop an integrated, overarching media policy that can achieve consensus among various agencies. Although the ideal long-term solution would involve establishing an independent, comprehensive media regulator that brings together all stakeholders, this is a gradual process requiring the gradual development of cognitive, legal, and discursive capacities in the country. As a more immediate measure, establishing a “regulator of regulators” or at least fostering effective, legally structured coordination and a clear division of responsibilities among existing regulators is recommended.

Abstract By the end of the twentieth century, it became evident that a highly centralized model of government was a source of crisis, and that centralization alone could not solve the problems at hand. Supporting local and regional governance through institutions such as local governments has come to be seen as a marker of both development and maturity in societies. Over time, evolving ideas about governance have led societies to pursue more democratic practices and to actively work toward speeding up the democratization process. Essentially, modern governance is about integrating the interests of the state and its people through collaboration and interaction. To facilitate this, governments need to establish mechanisms that create suitable, decentralized structures, enabling various bodies with broad authority and significant responsibility to play active roles in delivering public services. However, the assumption of certain responsibilities by local governments should not be interpreted as undermining or challenging the power of the central government—instead, the central government still holds its supervisory authority over local administration.
Throughout Iran’s history, governments have typically been characterized by individualized, absolutist, autocratic, and self-centered approaches. This led to the establishment of a highly centralized system. However, with the success of the Constitutional Revolution and the spread of ideas about the rule of people and citizens’ rights, Iran took its first steps toward breaking away from centralization. This revolution paved the way for the creation of democratic institutions such as the constitution, parliament, and various civic associations. Thereafter, public involvement in determining the country’s future and in forming local bodies—like provincial and municipal councils—became increasingly important, with certain local responsibilities being transferred to these new institutions. As a consequence, changes in leadership brought about shifts in the way national cohesion was understood within the context of local governance. Based on these developments, this paper aims to answer the question: “What impact have the different models of local governance throughout contemporary Iranian history had on national cohesion, considering its social, political, and cultural dimensions?”
Methodology
To address this question, the study first identifies various types of local governance. It then employs a mixed-methods approach that combines qualitative analysis of historical events and trends with quantitative survey research utilizing questionnaires. In this regard, 31 researchers and senior experts in contemporary Iranian history were purposefully selected and asked to complete a questionnaire designed to assess the relationship between local governance models and the elements of national cohesion.
Discussion and Results
The findings indicate that the impact of different local governance systems on national cohesion has varied significantly across four historical periods (according to the Iranian calendar, 1275–1400 [1896-2021]). Evidence, drawn from historical trends and expert opinions, suggests that the highest level of national cohesion was achieved during the fourth period—corresponding to the Islamic Republic—which received a score of 3.47 out of 5. The Constitutional period followed, while both the first and second Pahlavi periods reported lower cohesion scores.
Conclusion
In the final analysis, it is clear that local governance in Iran was traditionally characterized by appointed, undemocratic, and top-down practices until the Constitutional Revolution. Modern local governance began with that revolution and has evolved considerably over the past century. The study finds that before the Islamic Revolution, city councils served as the symbol of local governance in Iran, whereas afterward, Islamic city councils took on that role. An examination of the laws, institutions, associations, and urban local councils reveals that despite some common themes, there have been significant differences influenced by the pressures of the times, the power of the ruling government, and the ongoing struggle between centralization (dominated by the central government) and decentralization (promoted by local councils and associations). Ultimately, brief periods of decentralization have given way to a prevailing trend of centralization, primarily due to the absence of a deep democratic culture and the authoritarian nature of the central governments.

Abstract Introduction
West Asia has long been a hotspot for various forms of violence. The complex and multifaceted security threats in the region—coupled with the inherent fragility of states—demand that security be redefined within a new, regional framework. To break away from traditional security policies, there is increasing emphasis on the growing role of non-state actors, established norms, and cooperative security arrangements. In this context, the concept of governance is offered as a means to describe both the dispersion of power and the emergence of new oversight mechanisms that counterbalance state dominance. As a result, regional security governance is now seen as an important form of collective security. With this in mind, this study focuses on three key regional powers—Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia—to examine the process of security governance and the factors that shape it.
Methodology
The study employs a mixed-methods approach. On the quantitative side, international data were analyzed to review the progress of regional security governance over the past decade. For the qualitative aspect, a focus group session was conducted with 10 experts (9 men and 1 woman), and the discussions were analyzed using MAXQDA software.
Discussion and Results
In terms of persuasive (or soft) policies, Iran’s performance improved steadily, with its score rising from 20 in 2012 to over 24 in 2016. Conversely, Saudi Arabia’s persuasive policy score dropped from 48 in 2011 to about 33 in 2022, and Turkey also followed a downward trend. Regarding coercive (or hard) policies, Saudi Arabia achieved the highest score of 70 in 2015, while Iran recorded the lowest score of 40 in 2013. Additionally, Iran has been more effective in countering ISIS, whereas Saudi Arabia and Turkey escalated tensions with their military operations in Yemen and parts of Iraq and Syria, respectively. While Iran demonstrated that regional security is a top priority in its fight against ISIS, Turkey generally focused on protecting its borders from refugees and terrorist attacks, even seizing opportunities to intervene in Syria. The qualitative analysis identified 9 main categories and 25 sub-categories (with a total frequency of 310 mentions). Data analysis revealed that 84% of the obstacles to regional security governance in West Asia were associated with persuasive (soft) policies, while only 16% were linked to coercive (hard) measures. This finding suggests that before resorting to hard security tools, establishing regional security governance in this region should primarily rely on diplomatic dialogue and softer forms of engagement.
Conclusion
Focusing on Iran, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia, this research identifies both positive and negative factors influencing regional security governance in West Asia from 2011 to 2022. The study shows that security in the region cannot be ensured by governments alone. Instead, the active participation of non-state actors, international organizations, and a mix of persuasive (diplomatic and economic) and coercive (military and security) tools are crucial to shaping regional security governance. The analysis also indicates significant differences among the regional powers.Their national objectives tend to be almost diametrically opposed, resulting in a fluctuating form of regional security governance. For instance, the persuasive tools used by Iran in resolving regional disputes averaged a score of 22, compared to averages of 36 and 38 for Saudi Arabia and Turkey, respectively. While Saudi Arabia and Turkey show similar tendencies in their use of persuasive and coercive methods, Iran has taken a notably different approach. Reflecting on Europe's approach to regional security governance, it’s clear that after World War II, European nations were able to adopt a democracy-based framework with support from the United States that led to nearly uniform responses to conflicts.
However, in West Asia, the role of major powers has had the opposite effect—fueling tensions and exacerbating conflicts. Their involvement, most notably their support for the establishment of Israel, has contributed to major issues such as the Arab-Israeli wars, increased securitization, and a drift toward authoritarianism among regional governments. The military presence of extra-regional powers has pressured these countries to prioritize military solutions instead of diplomatic ones. Furthermore, the region’s geopolitical and economic significance continues to fuel competition among thses powers. Rivalries, such as that between China and the United States, have even led to bloc formations in the region, potentially undermining the development of regional security governance. Even the region's failed state- and nation-building process—which is seen as one of the main reasons why this form of governance has not been established in West Asia—has been influenced, to some extent, by the Sykes-Picot Agreement and by Israel.
The qualitative findings further highlight that regional powers’ abilities to protect their societies (by leveraging resources for defense and military intervention), combined with their unique interpretations of security and stability, domestic multi-actor dynamics (involving the role of non-state actors), and external delegations to regional organizations, are among the key factors shaping regional security governance. On the other hand, issues such as the Israel factor, extra-regional interventions, authoritarian tendencies, strategic culture, border disputes, and incomplete or unsynchronized political and economic structures have negatively affected its development.

Abstract Introduction
The relationship between Iran and the United States has been turbulent, especially following the 1979 Islamic Revolution. Both Democratic and Republican administrations have used different strategies to pressure Iran, making this one of the most complex relationships in international affairs. Examining this dynamic—particularly in light of major historical events like the 1953 coup and the post-1979 tensions—is a multi-layered challenge that goes beyond politics. It also involves sociology, economics, and security studies, reflecting the deep and evolving complexities of global power structures. However, over the years, scholars and analysts have studied the various strategies the U.S. has employed against Iran, identifying patterns of hostility. This paper focuses on the Biden administration’s approach, assessing how it builds on past U.S. policies while introducing its own methods in response to global changes.
Methodology
This study explores a key question: What framework defines the "Hybrid Containment" strategy used by the Biden administration against Iran? The main goal is to understand how the U.S. applies a mix of tactics to exert pressure on Iran. The research is both theoretical and practical, contributing to policy discussions while offering operational insights. It relies on documentary and library sources, combining deductive and inductive reasoning, and uses a descriptive-analytical approach for interpretation. Since the study is exploratory, it does not test specific hypotheses.
Discussion and Results
The study finds that the Biden administration’s approach to Iran falls under the concept of "Hybrid Containment in a Complex Environment." This strategy reflects the unpredictable and deeply interconnected nature of economic, security, and social factors influencing global relations today. Because of this complexity, two key aspects—planning and exploitation —are essential. The U.S. aims not only to structure a containment strategy for Iran but also to take advantage of unexpected developments and interactions.
Washington’s approach involves two main elements: deterrence (blocking Iran’s actions) and compellence (forcing Iran to comply). This strategy is shaped by broader shifts in global power dynamics, particularly the U.S. effort to manage its declining influence while countering emerging powers like China. Moreover, the foundation of U.S. policy toward Iran operates on two levels. The first level concerns Iran itself—its post-revolution identity and the nature of the Islamic Republic. The second level involves Iran’s geopolitical and economic significance, particularly its role in China’s Belt and Road Initiative and Russia’s access to southern trade routes. The Ukraine war has, in turn, increased Iran’s strategic importance in global trade.
To counter Iran’s influence, the U.S. has adopted two key strategies:

"Neither Negotiation nor Confrontation" – Keeping Iran in a frozen state diplomatically while minimizing its geopolitical relevance.
Undermining the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic – Portraying Iran as ineffective and creating social divisions.

Within these strategies, the U.S. and its allies employ various techniques. One common approach is gray-zone deterrence, applying pressure below the threshold of open war to limit Iran’s ability to respond. Specific tactics include:

Expanding economic sanctions, disrupting Iran’s oil exports, and interfering with financial transactions.
Supporting a network of terrorist groups and regional allies—including India, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Israel—as a counterweight to Iran’s axis of resistance and China’s Belt and Road Initiative.
Using media and psychological tactics to weaken Iran’s domestic unity, polarizing society, and questioning the future of the resistance movement.

Conclusion
The Biden administration’s Iran strategy reflects a blend of historical precedents and modern geopolitical shifts. Its hybrid containment model operates within a deeply interconnected global environment, balancing deterrence with strategic exploitation. The U.S. aims to limit Iran’s regional influence while shaping a global order that preserves American power in an era of rising competition.

Abstract Introduction
Over the past decade, artificial intelligence (AI) and big data have evolved into groundbreaking paradigms, influencing virtually every aspect of human life. Significant advancements in data processing capabilities, a dramatic drop in storage costs, and the exponential growth of data have paved the way for the development of digital tools, turning digital transformation into a reality. From 2000 to 2017, data processing power increased by a staggering 10,000-fold, while storage costs plummeted by 3,000 times. Furthermore, by 2025, the volume of generated data is projected to grow more than 90-fold. These rapid advancements have made strategic decision-making a key area of focus in management and governance.
Strategic decision-making has always been significant due to its complexity, uniqueness, and long-term, often irreversible, consequences. With the advent of big data and AI, decision-making has transitioned from intuition-based practices to data-driven processes. New tools now allow organizations to reduce biases, enhance accuracy, and manage uncertain environments more effectively. However, many organizations and governments are yet to harness the full potential of these technologies, partly because of the absence of comprehensive theoretical frameworks.
Based on this, the study aims to present an integrated framework for data-driven strategic decision-making by exploring how AI and big data influence this process. By synthesizing previous research findings, it addresses existing gaps in knowledge and provides practical guidance for managers and policymakers. This research emphasizes that data-driven decision-making is not merely a technical tool—it represents a shift in power structures and decision-making mindsets, enabling improved governance and organizational performance.
Methodology
This study uses the meta-synthesis approach, a qualitative method for integrating and interpreting findings from prior research. The method facilitates the identification of patterns, differences, and overlaps, helping to establish cohesive theoretical frameworks. The framework follows the seven-step model of Margarete Sandelowski and Juliet Barroso, which includes formulating research questions, reviewing the literature, identifying and selecting studies, extracting information, analyzing and synthesizing findings, conducting quality control, and presenting results.
Research questions focused on identifying the framework and key elements of data-driven strategic decision-making. Relevant studies were sourced from leading databases, such as Scopus, Web of Science, and Emerald, using keywords including "strategic decision-making," "artificial intelligence," "big data," and "data-driven." The study focused on English-language research from 2010 to 2024. Out of 88 initially identified studies, 36 were selected after removing duplicates and reviewing titles, abstracts, and methodologies. Data extracted from these studies underwent open coding, yielding 102 initial codes. These were categorized into 25 subcategories and four main themes: conditions, features, dimensions, and outcomes. To ensure quality, the CASP tool was used for validity checks, and reliability was measured using the Kappa index, scoring 0.69. This rigorous approach enabled the development of a robust and comprehensive framework.
Discussion and Results
The study's findings are categorized into four main themes:

Conditions: These include prerequisites for effective data-driven decision-making, such as access to high-quality data (characterized by volume, accuracy, timeliness, and variety) and advanced infrastructure (hardware and software). Organizational restructuring is essential to integrate data analytics processes, and cross-functional collaboration is necessary for data collection and interpretation. Building technical expertise to develop AI models and fostering a data-driven culture through employee training are also critical. Regulatory frameworks, including periodic evaluations and risk management, play a vital role in ensuring process quality.
Features: The core characteristics of data-driven decision-making include bias reduction through objective data, the ability to predict trends and behaviors, and the discovery of hidden patterns using AI. High-speed data processing, accuracy, and transparency contribute to reliable decision-making. Additionally, increased resolution—offering a more precise understanding of issues—is a defining feature of this approach.
Dimensions: This theme addresses the structural and contextual elements of the decision-making process. Balancing intuition with data analysis is particularly important in complex, turbulent environments. Structured data significantly enhance the quality of decisions, whereas unstructured data limit the effectiveness of technical tools. Collective intelligence, inspired by natural behaviors, enables the integration of group knowledge. Striking a balance between human creativity and AI computational power, alongside building stakeholder trust through interpretability and user-focused design, are other critical dimensions.
Outcomes: Data-driven decision-making reduces uncertainty, identifies new opportunities and threats, and offers solutions to complex challenges. It improves processes through automation, increases speed and accuracy, enhances organizational performance, and creates sustainable competitive advantages. At a national level, it has the potential to transform governance structures and improve outcomes.

Conclusion
Through the meta-synthesis approach, this research provides a comprehensive framework for data-driven strategic decision-making, organized into four key themes: conditions, features, dimensions, and outcomes. The findings highlight that implementing this approach requires robust infrastructure, high-quality data, a strong data-driven culture, and cross-departmental collaboration. Features such as bias reduction, predictability, speed, and precision differentiate this method from traditional approaches. Structural elements like the balance between human and AI involvement and the role of collective intelligence emphasize the importance of combining human judgment with computational power. The outcomes include reduced uncertainty, enhanced performance, and sustained competitive advantages.
However, the study acknowledges limitations, including its exclusive focus on strategic decision-making, the emerging nature of the topic, and potential biases in study selection. Overall, data-driven strategic decision-making is not optional—it is a necessity for governments and organizations in the digital era. Future research should explore other aspects of strategic management and consider cultural and regional influences to deepen our understanding of this phenomenon. This framework offers managers and policymakers practical tools to harness AI and big data to improve governance and decision-making.