Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract Introduction
Political parties and electoral systems are among the core institutions that shape governance and political development. They play a central role in political socialization, elite organization, public participation, and the overall policy-making process. By creating policy discourses and linking political elites with the wider public, parties can foster policy learning, strengthen the rationality of governance, and contribute to the formation of coherent national visions. In contrast, electoral systems, as mechanisms for power circulation and legitimacy renewal, enable fair competition and the presentation of alternative governance ideas.
Despite the presence of formal party and electoral structures in Iran, weak institutionalization, populist tendencies, lack of organizational cohesion, absence of party culture, and unstable electoral laws have prevented political parties from becoming effective actors in policy-making and national planning. The study asks why Iranian political parties have failed to act as learning and mediating institutions that generate sustainable, vision-driven policies, and what structural obstacles have constrained their performance.
A historical overview of Iranian parties shows that since the early post-revolution years, their capacity for discourse formation and doctrine development has steadily declined. Short-term electoral rivalries and populist slogans have replaced long-term policy thinking. This shift has widened the gap between policy-making institutions and society, weakening representation, policy accumulation, and the creation of shared national visions. The paper therefore argues that reforming Iran’s party and electoral systems is a prerequisite for better governance and more effective national policy-making.
 
Methodology
This study adopts a qualitative, descriptive–analytical approach based on documentary and library research. It reviews theoretical sources, legal documents, and comparative experiences to assess the role of political parties in designing and guiding policy processes. The research is exploratory rather than hypothesis-testing.
The theoretical framework rests on three interrelated components—political discourse formation, political marketing, and policy accumulation—which together form a “functional triangle of political parties.” This model explains how parties can promote national visions by creating and communicating policy discourses, marketing their programs within electoral systems, and ensuring continuity in pursuing long-term policies. The concept of policy entrepreneurship is also used to highlight the innovative role of parties in developing and implementing governance ideas.
Data were analyzed through two main steps: (1) tracing the historical and discursive evolution of parties in Iran from the 1970s onward, and (2) comparing party and electoral systems in countries that have successfully maintained coherent national visions. Using institutional and comparative analysis, the study identifies the main sources of dysfunction in Iran’s party system and proposes directions for reform.
 
Findings and Discussion
In developed political systems, parties act as key intermediaries and learning organizations that drive the formulation and implementation of stable policies. In Iran, however, weak institutional foundations and insufficient accumulative infrastructure have undermined such a role. Iranian parties face serious limitations in all three functional areas: discourse formation, political marketing, and policy accumulation.
In discourse formation, personality-based politics, lack of policy training, and weak connections between intellectual elites and party organizations have prevented the generation of lasting governance ideas. In political marketing, elections are dominated by broad, populist slogans rather than evidence-based programs. In policy accumulation, the absence of continuity and coherence in pursuing policies has blocked learning cycles and the systematic transfer of experience in national policy-making.
The country’s legal and institutional frameworks also fail to support party development. The lack of a comprehensive party law, weak financial oversight, poor linkages between parties and parliament, and overreliance on individual politicians have reduced parties to temporary electoral vehicles rather than stable policy institutions. Declining public trust and legitimacy have further weakened the organic connection between society and elites, eroding parties’ ability to inspire hope and articulate shared futures.
Comparative evidence from Germany, India, and China indicates that idea-driven, coherent, and consultative party systems—characterized by sustained interaction between parties and the state—are most capable of producing vision-driven policies. Fragmented systems lacking institutional accumulation, by contrast, struggle to build stable national visions. In Iran, the weakness of political parties not only hampers participatory policy-making but also diminishes the nation’s “political capital of hope.”
 
Conclusion
The analysis shows that Iranian political parties, constrained by structural weaknesses, inadequate legislation, personality-centered politics, and short-term electoral goals, have been unable to contribute effectively to policy-making or the shaping of national vision. As a result, the policy process has become fragmented, reactive, and largely detached from long-term learning and participation.
Revitalizing the role of parties requires action in three areas:
1.         Institutionalizing party culture through civic and political education;
2.         Reforming the electoral system to enhance transparency, competition, and accountability; and
3.         Strengthening the legal and institutional status of parties within the governance framework.
Parties must also reclaim their capacity to generate vision-driven policies grounded in national discourses and collective rationality. Continuous interaction among policy-makers, academics, and civil society can raise the quality of policy-making and rebuild political hope. Ultimately, without a restructured party and electoral system, effective governance, sustainable development, and a coherent national future will remain out of reach. Political parties can become genuine producers of national vision only when they move beyond short-term electoral competition and act as central actors in learning, decision-making, and the creation of development-oriented policy discourses.
 

Abstract Introduction
The governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran must align with its legitimizing discourse and demonstrate a coherence between this theory and practical governance. However, governance in Iran often wavers and oscillates between liberal and religious discourses. No political system can achieve long-term legitimacy through governance frameworks that are inconsistent with its core discourse. Therefore, this study aims to explore the concept of freedom within Iran's governance pattern. The Islamic Revolution in Iran achieved victory with the key slogan 'Independence, Freedom, Islamic Republic,' yet some supporters see freedom as a disruptive concept and are unwilling to embrace it. On the other hand, critics often accuse this pattern of being in conflict with the notion of freedom.
Here, we try to demonstrate the desirability of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran and to answer the question, "What is the philosophy of freedom in this governance pattern, and why is it desirable?" The aim is to prevent theoretical mistakes in the discourse. Given the prevailing influence of liberalism and its discursive demands, in the absence of an alternative Islamic theory, it risks imposing itself on Iran's socio-political structure. Therefore, elucidating the philosophy of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic helps prevent incorrect theoretical and practical choices in governance.

 
Methodology
In this study, a "descriptive-analytical" approach was used for data collection through the "documentary" method. The data analysis was performed using the qualitative method of "text-based hermeneutics."
 
Discussion and Results
This paper presents a coherent and interconnected discursive framework that reflects the philosophy of freedom and the intricate balance between the dos and dont's in this context. Firstly, it discusses Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation), demonstrating that from an ontological perspective, the belief in Ma'ad (Resurrection Day) and God's system of reward and punishment necessitate human freedom, as freedom is essential for "spiritual trial." Additionally, within the Islamic Revolution's discourse on anthropology, the belief in human "free will" and the "inherent nature of freedom" make freedom a valued concept. Thus, in religious rules, freedom is defined as liberation from servitude to anyone other than God and liberation from tyranny and oppression. In this regard, freedom is understood as a "right," "duty," and "value."
 
Conclusion
In the Islamic philosophy of freedom, "Tawhid" (monotheism) stands as the central principle and foundation. There is a seamless connection between Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation) and Nizam-e-Tashri (The Order of Religious Legislation), forming a unified system. This linkage in Shiism is established through the belief in the intrinsic goodness and badness of actions. Such a belief ensures that the moral quality of actions is rational and aligned with Nizam-e-Takwin, creating an integrated order where the dos and don'ts are interconnected.
In this framework, the philosophy of freedom within the governance pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran is rooted in "Tawhid" (monotheism) principles. Freedom is regarded as a "right," "duty," and "value." This signifies that freedom is valuable because it is an inherent right. Furthermore, respecting and advocating freedom is a religious duty, which enhances its desirability. Additionally, freedom is recognized as a religious virtue. According to the Islamic worldview, humans possess free will and an innate inclination toward freedom. The system of rewards and punishments in Ma'ad (Resurrection Day) also necessitates human freedom, as the possibility of a spiritual trial depends on it, thus making the system logical.
Overall, this paper seeks to illustrate the philosophy of freedom within a cohesive and integrated system, emphasizing the link between Nizam-e-Takwin (The Order of Creation) and Nizam-e-Tashri (The Order of Religious Legislation) in the context of freedom. This represents a significant innovation in the study.

Abstract Over the past two decades, the Zayandeh Rud River basin has faced numerous challenges in water resource management, resulting in widespread stakeholder dissatisfaction. In light of governance principles, effective policy-making in this area necessitates an understanding of each actor’s impact on the problem’s various dimensions and their interrelationships. This research aims to determine which actors influence the Zayandeh Rud River basin’s water governance network within Isfahan province’s geographic area and to what extent. Using a governance framework, this paper identifies 21 groups of water actors within the specified geography. Data collection and theoretical saturation were achieved through the analysis of data from 72 research participants using network analysis methods. The research data was analyzed using UCINET software, utilizing structural analysis and value component implementation capabilities, and visualized using NETDRAW software. The results reveal the formation of a unique influence network on water resource management, which is not conducive to optimal water governance. This network comprises a variety of actors with distinct capabilities and behaviors, resulting in specific impacts on water issues.

Abstract This study aims to develop a functional model of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC/SHOAM) in the national security governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The authors have attempted to represent and prioritize the dimensions, components, and effectiveness criteria of the council. A combined approach and factor analysis method was used to construct the model. Research data was collected through documentary-comparative techniques, expert interviews, and questionnaires. The research findings reveal a functional model with 46 criteria, which are prioritized into the following seven components: policy-making, rule-making, overseeing, arbitrating, coordinating, managing crisis, and supporting. These seven components fall under the three functions mentioned in the constitution, namely “policy determination”, “affairs coordination”, and “threat counteraction”.

Abstract This paper attempts to study the challenges of national security governance, while answering the question "How does the National Security Supreme Council play its role in security governance?". The results are provided by using descriptive-analytical research method and interviewing twelve expert experts using the chain reference method and then preparing and adjusting the questionnaire (with Cronbach's alpha coefficient of 0.87) using the key points extracted from the interview and distribution among 30 experts and practitioners in the field of national security. Descriptive and inferential statistics methods were used to analyze the data and check hypotheses, and Friedman's test was used to rank the indicators. The results of the research indicate that the National Security Supreme Council can play its role in the security governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran through three special tasks of policy determination, coordination of actors in the field of governance and mobilization of resources. In fact, the nature of the Council governance is regulatory governance. Also, the findings show that 46 challenges can be identified in these three special tasks, and the most important challenges caused to the Council in these three areas are: the dimension of policy determination (with an average of 39.2 %), the dimension of actor coordination governance arena (with an average of 35.2 %) and resource mobilization dimension (with an average of 27.1 %).

Abstract In this study, using the method of documentary studies and significance-performance analysis 1, first the existing obstacles in the governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran are counted and in the next step, after nineteen interviews with officials, activists and experts in the field of governance and policy making and completing special analysis questionnaires. Significance - Performance, the importance and performance of these obstacles in the governance of the Islamic Republic of Iran have been studied and evaluated. Barriers such as "Sanctioning and Conditioning the Economy", "Corruption", "Lack of Transparency", "Weak e-Government", "Oil-Based Economy", "Privatization and Competitiveness", "Population Reduction and Window Closure" "Demographic" and "Defective budgeting system" have been considered by decision makers more than other cases, respectively. Also, based on the analysis and evaluation of the gap between the importance and function of obstacles, it is necessary to prioritize the obstacles of "political populism", "Accumulation of laws", "reduction of social capital" and "weakness in the planning system" respectively.

Abstract The present article is an attempt to understand how the transition to governance in political theory and analysis of its theoretical approaches occurs. Given that over the past four decades there have been significant changes in the face of power at the level of the political system and the performance of governments, so debates about the decline of government power and the emergence of various political and political actors and changes in governance as one of the main issues in the new era. Therefore, the present article is aimed at answering the fundamental question of what approach has contemporary political thought taken to the nature of the transition from government policy? In answer to this question, two possibilities of theoretical controversy are examined: The first view, or the mainstream of political thought, views the transition from government to governance, and in contrast to the critical current (the second view), doubts the positive approach of the mainstream from the different and emerging role of power here called governance. The present article expresses the views of their thinkers and explains the different dimensions of this debate by stating three theoretical approaches related to the transition in the way of governing and analyzing the three levels of government, governance and governance

Abstract Given the complex and multifaceted nature of the concept of national security, the question of the present study is what role does the leadership play in governing the national security of the Islamic Republic of Iran? In order to examine the role of leadership in governing national security, four hypotheses of "guide", "observer", "supporter" and "executor" are examined and it is stated that the main role of leadership is guidance which is manifested in the form of "general policy making of the system". The weakness of the "guarantee of implementation" in "monitoring the proper implementation of the general policies of the system" has caused a fundamental disruption in the governance of the leadership in this area. The main proposal of the present study is to form a faction in the parliament in order to "monitor the proper implementation of the general policies of the system" which will act as the executive guarantee arm of the "High Board for Supervising the proper implementation of the general policies of the system".

Abstract This article seeks to theoretically examine the national security governance in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. The author believes that the word governance comes from the context of liberal thought and its use in the intellectual field of the Islamic Republic requires its adaptation to the security authority in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution. The author distinguishes between the security refference and the reffrent object of security and believes that the security refference is manifested in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution in a longitudinal series from God to the Supreme Leader.  So that the rule of national security in the Islamic Republic based on the common meaning of good governance, which originally seeks or prioritizes the authority of society and the people, is rejected. To provide the basis for drawing the national security governance of the Islamic Republic, author tries to describe and categorize reffrent objects of security and the security reference in Iran.

Abstract Although the discourse of the Islamic Revolution had an epistemological
disconnection with the discourse of Pahlavism as "other discourse" and had a
coherence within itself, but over time and in confronting with different epistemological
discourses, it was affected by changes and many sub-discourses were formed, each of
which had a special impact on the governance of national security in Iran. In this
article, focusing on the differences between the sub-discourses formed within the
discourse of the Islamic Revolution, the question has been raised that what are the
effects of these sub-discourses on the national security governance? In response to this
question, using library resources and analysis of existing relevant secondary
documents, while examining developments in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution,
the principles and foundations as well as the effects and consequences of each subdiscourse
on the national security governance in Iran are analyzed. The hypothesis
examined in this article is that the evolution of the discourse of national security
governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran, despite the development of a specific
governance model of the Islamic Republic, weakens consensus and forms polarization
and conflict in society and also national security structures and institutions.

Abstract National security, in modern definitions, in addition to the classical components of
security such as the absence of external threats, is closely interacting with the stability
and survival of the political system and governance and includes components that
focus on citizens, such as civil rights, public trust, political legitimacy and Economic
efficiency. On the other hand, in looking at this concept, the ratio of each of the pillars
of sovereignty should be measured and adjusted with it, and the judiciary is one of the
pillars of sovereignty. Given the main function of the judiciary in establishing justice,
it can be considered the most important element of governance in achieving political
legitimacy, protection of citizens' rights and the efficiency of executive institutions, all
of which lead to the establishment and strengthening of national security. The present
article, by emphasizing this position of the judiciary, examines its performance in
providing national security. Accordingly, the judiciary, on the one hand, will help < br />strengthen national security by providing judicial security, which requires the rule of
law, judicial independence and respect for civil rights, and all of which are modern
requirements of national security. On the other hand, the role of this power in
governing national security has been studied during a phenomenon called policy
judicialization. The connection of the concept of judicial oversight with the executive
and political processes in the world has led to the formation of the phenomenon of
judicial legalization. In the present article, the relationship between the judicialization
of politics and the expansion of the oversight powers of the judiciary to achieve greater
and stronger national security has been examined.