Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract Introduction
The word “security” has a broad meaning and encompasses everything from the innermost individual feelings to the widest international relations. It can include concepts such as freedom from doubt and anxiety on one side, and peace, trust, and well-being on the other. Barry Buzan considers “security” to be the intersection of foreign, economic, and military policies of countries. Arnold Wolfers believes a nation has security when it can protect its basic values ​​without risk, avoid war, and maintain its values ​​when challenged.
The issue of “security” is one of the topics that have always been the focus of Iranian intellectual elders such as Hakim Abulqasem Ferdowsi, Imam Muhammad Ghazali, Khawaja Nasir Toosi, Molana, and Saadi. Among them, Ferdowsi’s Shahnameh is undoubtedly the pioneer of the concept of “security.” He displays this concept, especially “national security” in different ways in the speech, behavior, and actions of the Shahnameh’s heroes. In this vein, the present paper tries to analyze this concept from various aspects in Ferdowsi's Shahnameh - as one of the prominent epic texts of Iran - using Charles Sanders Peirce’s framework of semiotic theory. The goal is to develop a security model based on the Iranian national epic, drawing from Iran's rich history and civilization. Through an analysis of the symbolic, iconographic, and profile signs of the “concept of security” in the Shahnameh, the primary questions are: Who are the referent objects of security? What defines security? And which dimensions and types of security are reflected in the Shahnameh?
 
Methodology
As one of the founders of semiotics, Peirce believes that man can only think through signs. In his model, a sign includes 'representation, interpretation, object': 'representation' is the form that the sign takes; 'interpretation' is the perception created by the sign; and 'object' is what the sign refers to. Peirce believes the relationship between the sign and the signified may be symbolic, iconic, or indexical. The meaning of the 'symbolic aspect' is that the signifier does not resemble the signified but is linked to it based on an arbitrary or conventional association. In the symbolic aspect, the relationship between the signifier and the signified is not direct (i.e., not based on physical or causal similarity), but rather it is determined by social or cultural conventions.
 
Discussion and Results
In the Shahnameh, many words imply the concept of security based on the contractual relationship between the object and the representation. Some of the most important examples that indicate the issue of “security” include signifiers/words such as “safe”, “wisdom”, “calm”, “assured”, “peace/reconciliation”, “developed”, “ verdurous”, “fame” and so on. Another type of linguistic sign in the Shahnameh that conveys the concept of “security” through a cause-and-effect relationship is the “profile” sign. This means that the words/examples such as “terror”, “faith”, “covenant”, “unity and integration”, and “military power” are based on the causal relationship between “social, religious, psychological, political and national security”. The cause of the emergence of individual, social and national insecurity is mentioned in the form of index signs such as immorality, unwiseness, violence, lack of strong political power, worldliness, lack of religious faith, magic, and war. In the symbolic sign, the relationship between the representation and the object is based on similarity. Thus, based on this type of sign, the sample has characteristics that evoke the concept of security based on the similarity. In the Shahnameh, various elements symbolize security, including kings and heroes, celestial realms, seasons like spring, and the juxtaposition of opposites such as sheep and wolves.
 
Conclusion
The semiotic analysis of the concept of “security” in the Shahnameh reveals that, although the term “security” and its modern classifications are not explicitly mentioned in the text; the word “safe” which has the same root as the word security and symbolic signs such as “wisdom”, “peace”, “goodness”, “calm” and “comfort” and “fame” have been used in the concept of security.
Based on the semantic implications and the relationships between these signs, it can be inferred that the symbolic sign of “peace” represents political and national security; while signs like “improvement, prosperity, and comfort” represent economic security. Additionally, the sign “name” reflects mental and personal security. The sign of “wisdom” has a wide range of meanings and includes all aspects of security, including individual, psychological, social, economic, political, and national. In the ancient Iranian thought system and the Shahnameh, to ensure security in its broad sense, it depends on factors such as “faith”, “giving”, “treaty”, “union”, and “army”, which can be used as index signs. Also, from the perspective of the Shahnameh, threats to security include “unruliness,” “ingratitude,” “war and grudges,” and the “absence of a central government.” In semiotic terms, these can be considered as anti-security index signs.
In the Shahnameh, there are two important security referent objects, “Kings” and “Warriors.” Because their actions and behaviors are an embodiment of security, they can be referred to as symbolic signs of security. Similarly, the negative actions of “dragon”, “demon” and “devil” introduce them as symbolic signs of anti-security. On the security referent object in the Shahnameh, the ancient Iranians believed that the king has “Farrah Yazidi” and that he relies on wisdom, forgiveness, and military power to expand comprehensive security over the country. Adherence to the “covenant” which includes the social and moral obligations of the members of the society towards each other, is considered to be the basis and factor for maintaining social and national security. But the signs that cause the emergence of insecurity include immorality, unwiseness, violence, lack of strong political power, worldliness, lack of Yazadi religion, magic, war, etc. These are index signs that disrupt individual, social, and national security.

Abstract In the era of globalization, there has been a tremendous transformation in both the sources of threats and the types of threats and the tools used. Threats in the era of globalization are not state-oriented and the focus on military threats has become less. Since the beginning of the Islamic Revolution, Iran has been involved in the harsh aspects of threats such as imposed war and terror but with the emergence of new aspects of these threats such as genetically modified crops, the country's security has undergone many threats and transformations. This research tried to answer the question that what are the harms of policies related to new biological threats against Iran? Therefore, this research was looking for the pathology of G.A.'s policies against new biological threats, focusing on transgenic products. Based on the research findings; Policies in this area have been made in the form of codified laws or under the country's development plans, but the lack of comprehensive policies or the weakness of the current policies, as well as their lack of diagnosis, have caused disagreements or gaps in this field, so the current laws need to be updated. In addition to that, in some areas, the existing deficiencies must be compensated with new legislations. The results of the research have divided the existing harms in the country's policy into four categories of functional, structural, contextual and communication factors. In this research, the qualitative content analysis method was used to analyze the data.

Abstract Introduction
Security theories have evolved significantly over time. Traditionally, pre-Cold War theories regarded security as a one-dimensional concept, primarily focused on military strength and defense. However, after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the Cold War, these traditional views lost prominence due to their inability to address and resolve emerging security challenges. In response, more comprehensive approaches emerged, framing security as a multidimensional concept that encompasses economic, political, social, and environmental factors. Among these modern theories is the concept of “sustainable security.” This theory argues that the problems and issues of human societies have economic, political, and social roots.
In this context, drug trafficking has emerged as a significant issue within Iran's political economy, impacting both domestic and global security over recent decades. The province of Sistan and Baluchistan, which shares borders with Afghanistan and Pakistan, has become a critical entry point for drugs into Iran. Each year, large quantities of narcotics are smuggled across its borders.
This paper examines the political economy of narcotics, specifically the dynamics of drug trafficking. The central research question is “How does the political economy of narcotics in Sistan and Baluchestan province affect security and stability in Iran?” The innovative aspect of this study lies in its focus on a localized, provincial level of analysis. By applying a political economy framework to drug trafficking, the research aims to elucidate the phenomenon of narcotics trafficking and its security implications.
Methodology
This research employs a “conventional content analysis” methodology to examine news coverage of insecurity in Sistan and Baluchestan province over the past decade. Additionally, a “post-event analysis” was utilized to evaluate security trends in the province. Data sources include library materials and both official and unofficial reports from the Iranian police. To ensure reliability and validity, these reports were qualitatively validated through field interviews with experts and local residents.
Discussion and Results
According to a 2018 official report, 75% of the heroin and 75% of the morphine found in Iran originated from Pakistan, with the remaining portion entering directly from Afghanistan. In 2020 alone, police seized 311,136 kilograms of drugs and arrested 67,994 individuals on drug-related charges. These figures underscore the significant role that drug trafficking plays in the political economy of Sistan and Baluchestan province.
The production, distribution, and consumption of opiates have profoundly impacted the economic conditions and livelihoods of the people in this Iranian province. From this perspective, the political economy of narcotics emerges as a survival strategy for some citizens who lack adequate social security and welfare, forcing them to turn to the drug trade as a means of earning a living. Here, the term “political economy” refers to the dominant mode of production in a society, which encompasses both political and economic spheres, with a dynamic and reciprocal relationship between the two. This interplay directly and indirectly affects other societal domains, including security. The political economy of Sistan and Baluchestan province has a unique structure that significantly influences Iran's security. The province's production system includes both formal sectors, such as industry, agriculture, and services, and informal sectors, such as trafficking in humans, goods, fuel, weapons, and drugs.
Conclusion
This paper shows that the political economy of narcotics has significantly contributed to the escalation of violence in Sistan and Baluchestan province and its neighboring areas. This includes the proliferation of weapons, kidnappings, hostage-taking, addiction, and murder, culminating in organized violence. The findings indicate that, although an exact estimate of the narcotics economy’s scale remains elusive, it closely aligns with the official statistics for the province. The shortcomings of the official political economy have enabled the informal one - particularly the narcotics trade - to expand substantially, leading to severe negative security impacts.
 

Abstract Introduction
In international politics, states are continually working to expand their influence in other countries and regions. The need to maintain a balance of power between rival or adversarial states has been a fundamental aspect of the nation-state system. Consequently, states are persistently seeking to identify and engage balancing forces in their surroundings to counter threats posed by alliances and coalitions of opposing powers.
However, when a state cannot find balancing forces within its immediate region, it may seek to counterbalance threats by extending its influence beyond its territorial neighborhood. This strategy allows the state to shift the dynamics of power and reduce pressure from adversaries. The Islamic Republic of Iran's growing focus on non-neighboring countries and regions outside the Middle East reflects this approach. Over the past four decades, regional rivals and adversaries have exerted substantial pressure on Iran, leading to significant developments such as the eight-year Iran-Iraq war and extensive international sanctions. In response, Iran's foreign policy has actively sought allies beyond its region, from Central Asia and North Africa to the Arabian Peninsula, South America, and, more recently, West Africa. In this context, Southeast Europe, particularly the Balkans, has also emerged as a key area of focus.
Since the Islamic Revolution, particularly from the 1990s onward, Iran has actively sought to leverage cultural, political, military, and economic ties to establish its presence and influence in the Balkans. However, Kosovo's independence and the relative resolution of the longstanding 200-year crisis have transformed the political landscape in the region. These changes have created a new dynamic environment, altering the domestic political conditions of regional actors and reshaping the priorities and presence of trans-regional actors. This paper seeks to address the question, “What opportunities and challenges did Iran's foreign policy encounter in the Balkans between 2008 and 2023 within an evolving political context?”
Methodology
In this study, a strategic planning approach is employed using the SWOT model to identify and analyze the opportunities and challenges faced by Iran's foreign policy in the Balkans. The analysis begins by evaluating Iran's internal strengths and weaknesses in its interactions with other influential states in the region following the significant changes in 2008. Subsequently, the opportunities and threats emerging from this diplomatic landscape are outlined. Finally, the paper examines how Iran has leveraged international opportunities in the Balkans to mitigate its internal weaknesses and counter regional threats by capitalizing on its own capabilities.
 
Discussion and Results
The findings reveal that Iran has struggled to use its military and economic tools to bolster its influence in the post-conflict Balkans, particularly given the expansion of NATO and the European Union in the region. As a result, Iran has shifted its focus to cultural diplomacy, using its ties with the Muslim population, promoting the Persian language, and at times, focusing on leftist anti-establishment sentiments to enhance economic exchanges with Balkan countries. However, this approach has also exposed Iran to new threats in the Balkans, including NATO's expansion, increased activities by Israel and Saudi Arabia to counter Iran's influence, the establishment of the U.S. missile defense shield, the spread of Salafism, and the presence of the Mujahedeen-e Khalq in the region.
Conclusion
Research data indicate that Iran has attempted to leverage its military, economic, and cultural resources to enhance its influence in the post-conflict Balkans. However, in the military-security domain, factors such as NATO's eastward expansion and the perception of the Balkans as a traditional sphere of influence by Russia and Turkey have limited Iran's ability to get a foothold. Economically, the gradual integration of Balkan states into the European Union, coupled with competition from rivals like China, Saudi Arabia, and Israel, has created significant challenges for Iran. Moreover, international sanctions have critically undermined Iran's capacity to fully utilize its economic potential in the region.
Culturally, Iran's focus on forging ideological connections, rather than promoting its cultural heritage, Persian language, and historical ties, has sparked concerns about the spread of its political Islam in the Balkans. This ideological approach has also been ineffective in countering the growth of Sunni Salafism among the region's Muslims. As a result, Iran's confrontational cultural strategy in the post-conflict Balkans, rather than fostering stronger political and economic relationships, has fueled Iranophobia. Ultimately, it should be said that a shift in Iran's cultural diplomacy and emphasizing its cultural assets and language, could open new political and economic opportunities in the Balkans.

Abstract  
Introduction
The rise of West Asia as a hub for various terrorist groups, many of which are linked to Islam and operate on a global scale, has led to a growing connection between global terrorism and Islam. According to data from the “National Consortium for the Study of Terrorism and Responses to Terrorism (START),” between 2012 and 2017, 17 terrorist groups conducted attacks in Europe, compared to 148 in the West Asia and North Africa. A key concern, beyond the number of active terrorist groups, is the severity of their violence. For instance, during this period, ISIS alone was responsible for 5,646 terrorist attacks, resulting in 39,744 deaths and 856 injuries. In 2012, Europe saw 13 attacks, while Iraq recorded 319. By 2017, Europe experienced 40 attacks (14 in Russia), whereas Iraq faced 1,160 attacks.
In explaining the factors behind the rise of terrorist groups and the intensity of their violence, particularly in West Asia, experts and analysts have pointed to various causes such as political instability, economic conditions, cultural characteristics, and psychological disorders. While each of these factors can shed light on aspects of the issue, it is essential to recognize that “terrorism is primarily linked to social factors.” Unlike criminal activities driven by selfish motives, terrorists often believe their actions serve a collective, altruistic goal, highlighting a deeply social dimension. Therefore, social factors, especially community-level trust, play a crucial role in understanding the formation of terrorism and the behavior of terrorists.
 
Methodology
The paper adopts a quantitative approach, is periodical in nature, and relies on secondary data sources such as The Legatum Prosperity Index, the Global Terrorism Database, and START. Trust and terrorism are examined as the independent and dependent variables, respectively. Data analysis was conducted using SPSS version 22. The study focuses on West Asian countries, with sampling performed using the hierarchical clustering method known as “Ward.”
 
Discussion and Results
Qatar ranks highest in institutional trust, with an impressive average score of 98, while Yemen lags far behind with a score of just 11, indicating the weakest institutional trust. In terms of generalized interpersonal trust, Yemen surprisingly leads with a score of 81, whereas Iraq records the lowest score at 31. On the international trust front, Qatar again performs well with an average score of 60, contrasting sharply with Iraq, which has the lowest score of 20.
Throughout the studied period, Iraq experienced a total of 6,205 terrorist attacks, averaging 443 attacks per year. Syria had the highest number of terrorist groups, with a total of 74 operating in the country, resulting in an average of over five groups conducting terrorist operations annually. Iraq also recorded the highest intensity of violence, with approximately 53,000 casualties, meaning that around 4,000 people were killed or wounded in the country each year.
Out of the nine possible correlations between the three levels of trust and various components of terrorism, five showed significant relationships. Specifically, there was a significant correlation between interpersonal trust and the number of attacks; institutional trust was significantly related to both the intensity of violence and the number of attacks; and international trust had a significant connection with both the number of terrorist groups and their attacks.
 
Conclusion
In general, this research aligns with the findings of other scholars in showing that in societies with high levels of interpersonal trust, the formation of terrorist groups is more likely, while an increase in institutional trust correlates with a decrease in violence. However, a unique finding of this study is that a rise in international trust has led to an increase in both the number of terrorist groups and their attacks in West Asia. This divergence from other research may be attributed to the deep roots of Islamic culture in the region and the anti-social tendencies of authoritarian rulers in West Asian countries, who, while engaging with globalization, lean toward liberalism. Therefore, it can be concluded that the lack of mature institutional structures in the region prompts citizens to respond by forming or joining terrorist groups, escalating both the number of attacks and the intensity of violence.

Abstract Introduction
Authoritarian policies that prioritize state power often hinder the development of constructive international relationships, fueling tensions and reducing opportunities for cooperation. This is particularly evident in the Middle East, where countries in the Tigris and Euphrates river basins are deeply affected. The region's unique geopolitical and hydropolitical context makes it especially vulnerable to such conflicts. In recent years, relations between Iran, Turkiye, and Iraq have grown increasingly complex due to various factors, including dam construction, persistent droughts, and Turkiye's authoritarian policies. These elements have heightened sensitivities in their relations, compounding the challenges of their already tumultuous history.
In such a complex environment, it becomes increasingly crucial to accurately understand and thoroughly analyze the ongoing regional processes. Additionally, forecasting future trends is critical for preventing international crises. A detailed examination of the impact of dam construction on the flow of the Tigris and Euphrates rivers, coupled with an assessment of the consequences of recurring droughts on the region's water resources, is essential. Analyzing the water policies of key regional players, particularly Turkiye, can also further enhance our understanding of the current situation and inform more effective responses.
Furthermore, exploring how these policies affect relations between neighboring countries can provide valuable insights. Through such studies, it is possible to propose solutions that promote more effective cooperation in water resource management. This could involve sharing information, creating joint mechanisms for managing water resources, and developing collaborative projects focused on sustainable usage. Ultimately, prioritizing cooperation over competition and hostility can foster a more constructive environment for addressing regional challenges. Achieving this, however, requires a shift in attitudes and broader policies among regional countries, but it can safeguard the long-term interests of all parties involved.
 
Methodology
Research methods generally fall into three categories: quantitative, qualitative, and mixed (a combination of both). This study employs a descriptive-analytical approach to assess and interpret the current situation. In the descriptive phase, data is gathered through library research, while the analytical one applies a deductive method, utilizing Peter Haggett’s Hypothetica model and Ashok Swain model for data analysis. In the quantitative section, Food-Energy-Water (FEW) indicators are employed to demonstrate and derive key concepts.
The research process involves gathering information, conducting a thorough analysis of the collected data, and identifying patterns based on the assumptions of the two models. The final step is to pinpoint and articulate the challenges that need to be addressed to enhance the current situation. To clearly and comprehensively present the research findings, diagramming software is used to infer and illustrate the conceptual model. This model visually represents the relations and connections among various research elements. This integrated approach enables a deep, multifaceted examination of the topic and leads to a well-rounded and actionable analysis.
This mixed-method approach, which combines descriptive-analytical techniques with quantitative analysis using FEW indicators, offers a strong foundation for the study. It facilitates a thorough examination of the current situation while also enabling a data-driven analysis of trends and patterns. By integrating the Hypothetica and Swin models into the analytical process, the study gains a deeper interpretation of the data, revealing insights that might be overlooked when using a single methodological approach.
By clearly mentioning the existing challenges, this research goes beyond merely describing the current state—it also lays the groundwork for potential solutions and improvements. This forward-thinking approach significantly enhances the study's practical relevance, making it valuable for policymakers and stakeholders alike. The comprehensive methodology, which seamlessly integrates qualitative and quantitative approaches and is further supported by visual modeling, allows for a detailed and nuanced exploration of the topic. As a result, the research not only provides valuable insights but also establishes a strong foundation for future studies and practical applications.
 
Discussion and Results
Authoritarian or power-centric policies focus on consolidating and expanding governmental authority, both within a nation and in its foreign relations. However, an excessive reliance on this approach can hinder constructive international engagement, often leading to tensions and even potential crises. The Middle East, particularly the Tigris and Euphrates river basins encompassing Iran, Turkiye, and Iraq, is especially vulnerable due to its unique geostrategic importance and the complex interplay of regional dynamics.
The findings reveal that Turkiye's unilateral and authoritarian management of water resources - primarily through large-scale dam construction and hydropower projects designed to enhance agricultural development - has deepened regional disparities and heightened tensions. Iraq's geographical disadvantages, combined with its limited financial and technological resources, have left it ill-equipped to effectively counter Turkiye's actions. The advanced dam projects in Turkiye, along with similar initiatives in Iran, have severely affected Iraq's water resources, exacerbating water scarcity and contributing to environmental degradation.
Turkiye's centralized and dominant approach to dam construction has worsened the region's water supply and demand imbalance. At the same time, internal conflicts and divergent water priorities between the Iraqi government and the Kurdistan Regional Government hinder a cohesive response to regional water disputes, underscoring significant organizational weaknesses within Iraq.
As Turkiye's influence expands, Iraq's vulnerabilities become increasingly evident, largely due to its central authority deficiencies and organizational weaknesses. Iraq faces significant consequences, including environmental degradation and threats to human life. However, Turkiye is also affected by its actions, such as diverting water from the Tigris and Euphrates, which disrupt Kurdish regions in Iraq and risk fueling unrest and instability.
The Swain model demonstrates that population growth, driven by the Food-Energy-Water (FEW) nexus, leads to resource depletion and heightened tensions. This growth further intensifies water scarcity and regional instability. As a result, population growth strategies centered around these components become increasingly costly and demand a fundamental reassessment by the countries involved.
An analysis of the Food-Energy-Water (FEW) components shows that Turkiye holds a relatively stronger position compared to Iran and Iraq, though this advantage may not be sustainable in the long run. However, with its abundant water reserves and extensive dam infrastructure, Turkiye is not on the verge of a water crisis. Iran, although better off than Iraq in terms of water resources, still confronts considerable challenges. Iraq, in the most vulnerable position, faces severe threats to its water supply, underscoring the serious security and environmental implications for the country.
 
Conclusion
Active and close cooperation between Iraq and Iran in managing water resources is crucial. This partnership can foster the creation of joint programs and strategies for water management, helping to maintain a balanced approach to resource usage while easing regional tensions. Through such collaboration, both countries can improve water security in the region by addressing risks and ensuring that the water needs of affected communities are met effectively.
At large, addressing barriers and challenges to sustainable and equitable water management in the region requires a multifaceted approach: 1) Strengthened regional cooperation; 2) Adoption of water-saving technologies; and 3) International interventions and mediation. By implementing these strategies collectively, the region can move toward more sustainable water management practices and reduce tensions in this geopolitically sensitive area.