Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract Construction and regeneration of the Jewish identity based on Zionist discourse, currently perused and undergone by the Israeli government, both at domestic and international levels, is one of the important processes in the said discourse. A scrutiny and illustration of various aspects of this mechanism will lead to revealing the hidden layers of the Zionist behavior and approach at internal and external levels. Given the importance of the way of constructing the Jewish identity concurrent with the Zionist discourse, the paper intends to answer the question of regeneration of the Jewish identity within the framework of its own purposes.  Thus it argues that the Zionist discourse is generating the Jewish identity through a distinction construct, while emphasizing Anti-Semitism, organizing the Jews in the Zionist distinction groupings and taking position against “other” identities consistent with the above said purposes.  

Abstract This article tries to discuss this question: What is the nature of alliances and coalition in Middle East as one of the important and strategic and more conflicting regions of the world? Could we speak about the nature of alliances in Middle East as a constitution of a collective identity based on constitutive and regulatory norms like western alliances? Could we consider that identity has a low effect on alliances and instead balance of power and threat have the main role in making of Mideast alliances? Authors, as their hypothesis, contrary to Barnett view which claims the nature of alliances in Mideast is based on identity similarities, argue that alliances in Mideast is dependent on state interests and emerge from regional balance of power and as a tool to counter threats.  

Abstract In recent years china has been an important actor in world affairs and tries to use diplomacy to achieve its goals. While, china focuses on public diplomacy because of its negative image near world public opinion that consider China as an economic threat. China in the way to improve its negative image works on public perception and tries to influence various nations to change its negative image and reconstruct its identity.

Abstract : theoretical analysis of nuclear policy is not a frequent matter, but there are different theoretical frameworks in response to question of nuclearization and dis-nuclearization policies of countries. This article analyses problems of current theories on nuclearization and dis-nuclearization, and propose strategic identity as an alternative framework.

Abstract By Occurrence of a/11/u. s put the Reform in middle east countries in its Agenda in the form of Greater middle east plan. This plan Was applied in us foreign policy in 2002 with a Social appearance but a deep political & security reality, Ignorance of the Planners of greater middle east policy about Societal factors in the region, had a great part in its failure Recent upheaval's in middle east Which are caused by Islamic awakening in Arabic region, are outcomes of that failure one of the Causes of success & continuity of people's presence in the scene of protests, is the indigenous & original Nature of middle eastern developments & non – involvement of international forces in this upheavals.Bahrainis one of the main fronts of Islamic Awakening & this article tries to focus on it.

Abstract

According to the constructivism, the states are not like economic actors who make decisions and behave due to the consequence logic, but they are social actors who have act based on relevance logic (their own identity). Therefore, to appreciate the foreign policy of the states, first one should bear in mind the Inter-subjective foundations of their identity; the foundations that can influent the shape of the identity and lead towards a special behaviour at the national and international levels. The purpose of this paper is to study the Inter-subjective foundation of identity in the Islamic Republic of Iran mainly in the domestic level. Accordingly, the author argues that these foundations are divided in two separate categories, however, with mutual influence. The first category contain the norms and doctrines which are originated totally from the religious-Islamic and especially Shiite sources and the second category are attitudes and understandings with the political culture of the Iranian people.

Abstract

The Islamic movements contain divers and different features which can be studied from several aspects including formal, organizational, intellectual, ideological, aims and interests, historical and geographical environment, performance, movement and etc. This paper intends to study the intellectual typology of these movements through raising the following questions: How many fraction they are? And what are the implications of these fractions? In this regard, the author believes that identity revival, as one of the main concerns of the contemporary Islamic movements, has a very close relationship with the security of the Islamic world, however, the way of revival by these movements depends on their different views on the issue of identity. Given the potentials of jurisprudence and Kalam, it seems that it is only the Islamic rationalist movements based on Ijtihad that can provide an alternative political model in the Muslim world and develop holistic and sustainable security thereof.

Abstract Alexander Vent as a distinguished constructivist thinker does argue that the problems of the scholars of international relations and the political scientists were just be understanding of global politics and power distribution without thinking about what constructed the global system and how it organized. Vent by reviewing the current schools of the international relations field is criticizing the neo – realism so that it is important but by focus on individualism and materialism is imperfect. That is paying more attention on decision makers without any mentioning on social structures that shapes the individuals. Crucial critique of Vent is deal with materialistic views of neo – realism as an objective willing and properties. Here the main hypothesis of the article by exploring the political from the constructivist view is that the political actors do often pursuit to substitute recognition on power (in the neo – realism) and wealth (in the neo – liberal view).

Abstract Efforts at preserving the identity are an important chapter in theorizting in international relations. Turning the preservation of identity into the agenda of foreign policy and strategic studies is largely derived from a wave whose extent of action is transnational and global. In the meantime, a new theory has been proposed by Barry Buzan and Ole Waever that regards the national and global analysis of national security as distorted and responsible for widespread insecurity which has entangled the today’s world. Criticizing the realist and globalist analyses, which stress on national and global roots of insecurity and instability, they have focused upon the regional complex of most of strategic equations. According to this theory, the countries of the world must be classified in six security complexes and then the problems of every region or system are theorized. This article mainly addresses the principles of the “theory of regional complex security” and its results in the strategic studies field. The most significant characteristic of this theory is that it holds theoretical relevance for regional powers (like Iran) because of their old identity, historical continuity and the capacity of producing patterns. It also views globalist and nationalist theories as minimalist.

Abstract Following the demise of the Prophet of Islam, the Islamic polity witnessed a transitional period in which the caliphate in established as the political system. It occurred while in the Shii viewpoint, Imamate as a religious-political organization linked to the prophecy had to assume such an important responsibility. Therefore, Shiism as led by Imam Ali (Peace be upon him) was marginalized. This situation lasted until the Alavi government was created following the murder of the third Caliph. Although security is identified as a public goods that is secured through the government’s management, the question that thy he did not resist the dominating political current despite his righteousness leads us not to consider the foundations of the security theory in the Alavi period as merely limited to his government’s time.This article, which is published in a paper series about the Islamic theory of security, deals with a sensitive era stretching from the demise of the Prophet of Islam to the establishment of the Alavi government. Proposing the concept of “securitized identity,” the author indeed speaks of the priority of the “preservation of the Sharia per se” over the “assumption of government for guidance” because of the existence of alternative options for the achievement of guidance.

Abstract This article intends to point out that the acquisition of power on part of human has not been met only through his ongoing predisposition to authority and the establishment of the state, but he seeks, by nature, to destroy the surrounding and dominant authority of alien and non-alien states as well. The human nature is not merely manifested in the building of states; but also human effort is concentrated on the abolition of states. To investigate the possibility of anti-state is another effort to come in terms with the other ways of political unity among those groups of humans that do not tend to be subjected to the city-state. This article aims to explain the separation of states’ political interests from the internal and external identities seeking to destroy them. On this ground, the future of world order is not merely subject to the existing states and sovereignties, but it will depend on the threats that anti-states pose to the states.Anti-state, by nature, lacks a history as clear as that of the concept of state and historical concept of state; but it has played a part throughout history along with the state authority and has resisted its manifestations either secretly or openly. Hence, any historical study of state hinges on the historical discovery of its antithesis which has existed in a variety of periods and in a multitude of ways both implicitly and explicitly. At our time, the phenomenon of September 11^th signifies the rise of anti-state vis-à-vis the global authority and dominance of a single superpower, i.e. the United States.

Abstract There are a variety of theoretical outlooks on war, military power and security that deal with this subject from a specific and different perspective none of which provides appropriate answers to the proposed queries. In this article, the author explains war and military power from the viewpoint of grand theories of international relations including realism, liberalism and the world system and along with them, he also extrapolates the outlook of constructivists as the theorists of the fourth debate in international relations. Within this framework, realists give priority to military hardware power and view war as a natural order of affairs. In contrast, liberals do not regard war as the natural order of affairs and while considering software power, they maintain that stability and security may be established through expanded economic relationships, free trade and enlargement of international organizations, thus in this way war could be avoided. The world system theory also considers the exploitative economic relations and injustice in international relations as the root cause of war and insecurity. The constructivist school seeks to link material affairs with non-material ones in the category of security. This outlook focuses on the change in perspectives, interpretations and understandings, and establishes a direct relationship among identity, interests and security. We face a combination of such theories in analyzing security at the international level, because none of them is lonely able to explain security.

Abstract Chantal Mouffe is among the thinkers who have formulated a political theory after the post-modern storm in which he considers the achievements of post-modernism and the criticisms made on modernity. To Mouffe, the modern reason has to accept its constraints and to regard human subject not as persistence, single, essential, and true but as a changing and fluid, forming creature, product of power relations and the interaction with the constructing other. So, there will not be any authentic identity which ought to be explored, developed and liberated. The product of power relations and interaction with human otherness will negate the adverse role of the other and demonstrate to the human subject that he is always affected by others and probably affect them, and not every thing is pre-existing before him. Therefore, mutual learning should be on the top of the socio-political activists’ agenda for deepened democracy and the establishment of a radical and pluralist democratic society. In this way, certain conditions should be provided so that various different minorities become able to criticize the society and the majority’s beliefs; this will contribute to mutual learning, decline in conflicts and change in the identities in a democratic space. To reach such a conception, we have to view the other as one with whom we do not feel enmity, but we oppose his viewpoints and beliefs, however we respect his right for having a different outlook and proposing it.

Abstract Globalization has brought about significant positive and negative consequences for the human security including military, ecological, economic, cultural and psychological security. This article argues that the negative consequences mainly arise from the neo-liberal interpretations and accounts of the phenomenon rather than from the nature of globalization process.           Globalization on the one hand, has resulted in the reduction of wars and military hostilities, increased material advancements, heightened relative welfare and employment, and the growth of diverse convergences, and on the other has caused the proliferation of destructive military technology, growing depletion of the environment, financial instability, cultural degeneration, and diluted social cohesion.   In other words, as a result of the process in question, there has been an increase in the non-state supervision over and ensuring the protection of the environment, but the globalized economic mechanisms are highly polluting the environment. As the world capitalism has contributed to the more rapid improvement of welfare in the industrialized countries, but just a few countries enjoy a condition like that of the said countries, and world trade regimes have inflicted much harm on the poor countries. On the other side, worldwide companies and industries have created millions of job opportunities, but the mass transfer of workforce has led to the loss of jobs and fear of occupational insecurity. Therefore, it can be overall suggested that the neo-liberal and new right versions of the globalization phenomenon have affected its security-building aspects and have exacerbated the insecurities stemming from this process.