Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract Introduction
In international politics, states are continually working to expand their influence in other countries and regions. The need to maintain a balance of power between rival or adversarial states has been a fundamental aspect of the nation-state system. Consequently, states are persistently seeking to identify and engage balancing forces in their surroundings to counter threats posed by alliances and coalitions of opposing powers.
However, when a state cannot find balancing forces within its immediate region, it may seek to counterbalance threats by extending its influence beyond its territorial neighborhood. This strategy allows the state to shift the dynamics of power and reduce pressure from adversaries. The Islamic Republic of Iran's growing focus on non-neighboring countries and regions outside the Middle East reflects this approach. Over the past four decades, regional rivals and adversaries have exerted substantial pressure on Iran, leading to significant developments such as the eight-year Iran-Iraq war and extensive international sanctions. In response, Iran's foreign policy has actively sought allies beyond its region, from Central Asia and North Africa to the Arabian Peninsula, South America, and, more recently, West Africa. In this context, Southeast Europe, particularly the Balkans, has also emerged as a key area of focus.
Since the Islamic Revolution, particularly from the 1990s onward, Iran has actively sought to leverage cultural, political, military, and economic ties to establish its presence and influence in the Balkans. However, Kosovo's independence and the relative resolution of the longstanding 200-year crisis have transformed the political landscape in the region. These changes have created a new dynamic environment, altering the domestic political conditions of regional actors and reshaping the priorities and presence of trans-regional actors. This paper seeks to address the question, “What opportunities and challenges did Iran's foreign policy encounter in the Balkans between 2008 and 2023 within an evolving political context?”
Methodology
In this study, a strategic planning approach is employed using the SWOT model to identify and analyze the opportunities and challenges faced by Iran's foreign policy in the Balkans. The analysis begins by evaluating Iran's internal strengths and weaknesses in its interactions with other influential states in the region following the significant changes in 2008. Subsequently, the opportunities and threats emerging from this diplomatic landscape are outlined. Finally, the paper examines how Iran has leveraged international opportunities in the Balkans to mitigate its internal weaknesses and counter regional threats by capitalizing on its own capabilities.
 
Discussion and Results
The findings reveal that Iran has struggled to use its military and economic tools to bolster its influence in the post-conflict Balkans, particularly given the expansion of NATO and the European Union in the region. As a result, Iran has shifted its focus to cultural diplomacy, using its ties with the Muslim population, promoting the Persian language, and at times, focusing on leftist anti-establishment sentiments to enhance economic exchanges with Balkan countries. However, this approach has also exposed Iran to new threats in the Balkans, including NATO's expansion, increased activities by Israel and Saudi Arabia to counter Iran's influence, the establishment of the U.S. missile defense shield, the spread of Salafism, and the presence of the Mujahedeen-e Khalq in the region.
Conclusion
Research data indicate that Iran has attempted to leverage its military, economic, and cultural resources to enhance its influence in the post-conflict Balkans. However, in the military-security domain, factors such as NATO's eastward expansion and the perception of the Balkans as a traditional sphere of influence by Russia and Turkey have limited Iran's ability to get a foothold. Economically, the gradual integration of Balkan states into the European Union, coupled with competition from rivals like China, Saudi Arabia, and Israel, has created significant challenges for Iran. Moreover, international sanctions have critically undermined Iran's capacity to fully utilize its economic potential in the region.
Culturally, Iran's focus on forging ideological connections, rather than promoting its cultural heritage, Persian language, and historical ties, has sparked concerns about the spread of its political Islam in the Balkans. This ideological approach has also been ineffective in countering the growth of Sunni Salafism among the region's Muslims. As a result, Iran's confrontational cultural strategy in the post-conflict Balkans, rather than fostering stronger political and economic relationships, has fueled Iranophobia. Ultimately, it should be said that a shift in Iran's cultural diplomacy and emphasizing its cultural assets and language, could open new political and economic opportunities in the Balkans.

Abstract A sound neighborhood policy, followed by regional integration based on local and regional models, has always been of great importance to the Islamic Republic of Iran. Its significance has grown over time, to the point where it has been established as the primary foreign policy strategy of the 13th government. The question remains: What is the indigenous model of neighborhood policy in Iran’s foreign affairs? This research presents a three-dimensional model in the areas of understanding, engagement, and confrontation, based on Iran’s interactions with its neighbors. The study also offers recommendations and solutions to improve relations with neighboring countries at various cultural, economic, political, and security levels. Data was collected through documentary research and in-depth interviews with academic and executive elites in the country’s foreign policy. A descriptive-analytical approach was also employed for data analysis.

Abstract The main topic of the article is to examine the relationship between national security governance and foreign policy and how they affect each other's formation. To examine this relationship and their influence on each-other, four fundamental questions of national security governance and four missions of foreign policy have been described. The findings of the research show that the political system plays an essential role in the formation of both variables, and within them, national security governance system and foreign policy strengthen and develop each other. They are organized in the form of a spectrum from authoritarian systems to cooperative systems. Each of the political systems to the degree of closeness to the authoritarian or cooperative system form a specific type of national security governance system and foreign policy, which are completely different from each other. Cooperative systems have a broad definition of survival and seek the liberation of human beings, and despite the variety of security threats, they have limited and bottom-up security issues that are formed by persuading citizens. To solve these issues, the government is looking for a transition from “government” to “governance”. Such a system pursues a cooperative foreign policy in the international community and while providing maximum support for the security of citizens, it also pays considerable attention to the security of other human beings.

Abstract Artificial intelligence is becoming one of the new dimensions of power. This issue can give more depth to the center-periphery structure of the international system, which is caused by the technological gap. Although this emerging technology is currently used mostly in the field of medicine, agriculture, industry and economy, but its operational scene will soon be expanded to the field of diplomacy and foreign policy of countries. The current research aims to answer this main question: "What effect can artificial intelligence have on the position of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the field of diplomacy?" The results of this research, by using the descriptive-analytical method, indicate that artificial intelligence, as a shaping factor in the diplomatic environment, has the potential to fundamentally change the order and hierarchy of international power. This may threatens the security and national interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran, and the only way to deal with it proactively, is to be present in the process of legalizing and standardizing artificial intelligence and to pay attention to artificial intelligence technology as a diplomatic issue and tool.

Abstract In this article, the concept of "Security Consultant" is introduced as a novel approach in local literature and its theoretical foundations are examined. The main concern of the researcher is to find a specific pattern and framework for the mission of a security consultant, for this purpose, the approach of the United States of America to provide security consultant assistance to the allied countries has been discussed based on the available documents and sources. This research was done by thematic analysis method and the elements and components of the pattern were recognized based on the themes identified in the sources. The case study of the United States consultant model shows that targeting, establishing the integration of actions and dividing specific tasks among the three main institutions in providing security consultant assistance (Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Ministry of Defense and USAID); Clarifying the security sector or the target society of the aid receiving country as well as the leveling of these aids are among the main components of the American model of security consultancy.

Abstract The main question of the current research is that in what form of theoretical framework the desired regional and global order of the Islamic Revolution based on religious teachings can be theorized and explained. In response, it is proposed that the "theory of the new revolutionary order" based on the presented intellectual-cognitive and executive-practical indicators, has the capacity and ability to explain and understand this issue, because based on the theories in The field of international relations, both mainstream and critical, can neither fully theorize the foreign policy of the Islamic Revolution nor answer the issues related to this field in the field and practice of relations. Groundwork for the practical application of the revolutionary new order theory with a civilizational approach will not be established except with a broad cross-border and trans-regional look at the geography of resistance based on revolutionary strategic rationality, and one of the strategic examples of revolutionary rationality is "movement diplomacy" which has the capacity to unify and integrate Oppressed Nations and independent states on the axis and orbit of resistance.

Abstract Based on the scientific principles of planning and strategic studies, designing broad headings of issues facing governments is not only not helpful, but may also lead to confusion in decision-making and the loss of the country's scarce resources in allocation and action. In this research, using the opinions of different experts and using MICMAC software and measuring the interaction of these issues with each other, an attempt has been made to prioritize the issues from the perspective of a specific position of influence and influence and a way for decision makers to prioritize and make decisions. The findings of this study show that the three issues of "Iran's foreign policy incompatibility with the international system", "nuclear case" and "Iran-US relations" are the most important issues that play a significant role in shaping and intensifying other issues. They affect Iran's national security

Abstract The IRI Foreign policy usually assumed as an apparent and coherent concept. This paper will show that IRI foreign policy is a floating signifier and always there have been serious discursive conflicts about its signification. By focusing on signification of "security" in opponent discourses in IRI foreign policy, present article will show that during IRI, there have been a fundamental contradict between two main discourses, i.e. cooperative and counter-hegemonic discourses. In fact, their articulations of security are absolutely different from each other, especially in relation to international order. The first one that was embodied in fifth and sixth states after Iran-Iraq war (then in seventh and eighth and after an interruption, in eleventh states, in updated versions) regarded international economic and political cooperation as a main way to security. In contrast, the opposite discourse that is mainly embodied in ninth and tenth states, under the presidency of Dr Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, considered resistance against international order, the real way to security. Precisely Speaking, these two opposite significations of security can't be reconciled in one signifier at the same time. So, the signifier took opposite meanings periodically.
 
 

Abstract Turkey's increasing tendency to pursue strategies independent of Western its allies and its proximity to Eastern powers in securing and defensive goals, as well as its active regional involvement in challenging the security preferences of Western powers, has raised the question of whether Turkey's international orientations are on a pivotal path or just looking to rebuild its foreign policy in a new international and regional environment? This paper, by conceptualizing Turkey's strategic attitudes and providing a framed picture of the new developments in the country's strategic culture and national security doctrine, rethinks the prevailing ideas of a pivotal turn in Turkey's macro-foreign policy orientation. In this regard, the new strategic culture of Turkey, with emphasis on the principle of self-help and national capabilities, increasingly seeks to ensure strategic independence from Western allies in the context of the international system transition. This does not necessarily mean leaving the transatlantic alliance, but rather balancing relations with the West and the East in order to consolidate Turkey's strategic position as an independent international actor.

Abstract Experience shows that countries with similar international status but different cultural traditions do not make decisions in the same manner as each other in the face of new developments. The reason is strategic culture provides a system of values in the field of decision-making, which affects a country's foreign policy. This article is an attempt to answer how strategic culture influences foreign policy decisions of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The authors assume that the Islamic Republic's strategic culture influences its foreign policy decisions through defining an Iranian-Islamic identity and specific national roles.
 
 

Abstract Conceptualization and the prism of the relationship between security and development have a great role in foreign policy making and its achievements or failures.  The paper argues that with the security agenda development and superiority of the positive security approach rather than negative approach, security and development has got a total positive sum and lack of one can pose a risk to the other. Therefore, foreign policy distance from a security basis on one hand, and to develop it on the basis of the two on the other hand is undeniable.
.

Abstract  This article explores the regional and international factors as the independent variables affecting foreign policy of Saudi Arabia and then it discusses four main features of its political system, namely, kingdom, wahhabism, rentierism and peninsula situation as the intermediate variables – domestic sources.  Within this approach, five principles and grand goals of its foreign policy, including peripheral dominance seeking, regional balance, Islamic- Wahhabism centralism, coalition building and anti – democracy actions are analyzed. The main existing issues of Saudi Arabia's foreign policy are to be further explained at different levels as the reference of its constant elements and grand goals.
 

Abstract The paper discusses the Turkish leadership, especially of president Erdogan, perception about the new developments in the Middle East and its influence on the country's foreign policy.
The main argument of the paper is that the founding factor in Turkey's foreign policy and behavior is not merely the concrete developments in its strategic environment but is its leadership and especially Erdogan's perception from those developments.
 
 

Abstract  Highlighting the significance of various patterns of the China behavior in different fields and with due attention to the fact that pluralistic international identity discourses have a crucial role to play, the author would like to answer the following question: why China faces different international identity discourses in its foreign policy? And in answering the question, he points out that there are effective elements that contribute emergence of such a situation and those elements are as follows: economic reforms, the leaders’ tendencies, social changes, nationalism, foreign policy norms, changes in international norms and geo-political challenges. Thus the author explains theoretical and practical aspects of the issue and focuses on some main elements like the relationship between identity and interests, the existing identity discourse in China and illustration of efficient internal and external causes with regard to this plural identity discourse.      

Abstract Although the Israeli government has a secular nature, Zionism is increasingly prevailing its internal and external affairs. Using the theory of securitization, the paper addresses religious Zionism orientation, as belief of minority but with strong voice, of the Israeli government with increasing status which in turn is a result of identity crisis and security vulnerabilities; so it has been the dominant and comprehensive discourse of the country and has been successfully radicalized its foreign policy. In this way, Netanyahu's administration has been opposing establishing a Palestinian government and increased pace settlements with no restrain from use of violence against the defenseless people of Palestine. Implementing this policy, Israel is not taking peace lover position anymore and has adopted an intrusive approach against its peripheral environment.  Although this policy may lead to more convergence in short term in Israel, however, in midterm, it can result in more isolation and vulnerability of Israel.  

Abstract      From 1947 until end of 1980s, India had taken a third world orientation in its foreign policy; however, it has consequently inclined towards economic pragmatism. Therefore, the question is that what reasons have led India towards this change. In response, the author raises the hypothesis that: demise of ethical orientation; growth of nationalistic views, realism and liberalism in the country, structural changes of the international system and replacement of bi-polar system with a uni-polar one and finally the Chinese military and economic rapid growth have cause the said change in the Indian foreign policy. This paper illustrates the reasons and uses the theory of balance of interests.  

Abstract Strategic culture affects statesmen, elite attitudes and even the whole public perception and has the capacity to determine behaviors and actions of them in different areas. So knowing the constituting elements of state identity, among them the strategic culture, has a good role in understanding state actions, especially great powers like china and U.S.A. This article tries to distinguish constitutive components of strategic culture of U.S. and china and claim that U.S culture is offensive and Chinese one has defensive character. Authors try to compare tow cases and describe similarities and differences of them; at last they explain these cultures impacts on U.S. and china Middle East policy.  

Abstract This article examines efficiency of Intuitive Multi-Faceted Decision making Model focusing on sanctions of 1929 resolution of Security Council and the 9^th and 10^th government’s approach on nuclear program. Article 9 of resolution 1929 directly points to missile power of Iran, which has no record in previous resolutions. Author argues that Intuitive Multi-Faceted Decision making Model contrary to other conventional models based on rational actor is more compatible with multi-stage process of Iranian foreign policy.

Abstract In recent years scholars have applied different theories to analyze I.R.I foreign policy and actions. Meanwhile, none of the conventional theories could explain and analyze all aspects of Iranian foreign policy. So that some of the scholars argue, Iranian foreign policy is a set of contingent decisions. This article tries to provide a foreign policy theory based on social identity and concept of "status seeking", which provides a systematic picture of Iranian foreign policy. Author argues that I.R.I during the last 3decades has been a status-seeker state (which is the permanent factor in its FP) based on different strategies (Changing factor).

Abstract 1404 Vision statement of I.R. Iran declares that Iran would be a developed country with the first economic, technological ranking in region, while continuing its inspiring Islamic and revolutionary identity in Islamic world, accompanied by constructive interaction in international relations. I.R. Iran as one of the important actors of south East Asia should plan and execute suitable foreign policy strategies to achieve its vision goals. This article, using David method (SWOT), analyses strengths, weak points, opportunities, and threats of I.R. Iran foreign policy and proposes some F.P. strategies to achieve vision goals.

Abstract this article tries to explain a fundamental change in china foreign policy. The main question of article is that: what idealist interests in china foreign policy has been marginalized in the course of time?  The hypothesis of author is that: fragility of national security is a key factor in strengthening pragmatic signs in china foreign policy. This fragility is the effect of continuous security threats in domestic, regional and systemic levels. So that, author believes that national security has a big role in china's foreign policy priorities. In this situation, china has transformed from a revisionist and revolutionary actor to a conservative one, which is compatible to current international order. Although China is opposed to American unilateralism, but doesn't want to pay big costs to contain it.

Abstract Abstract This article explains the link of national security considerations with westernization in turkey's foreign policy. A review of political foreign relations of turkey and its predecessor ottoman empire, shows that two national security considerations have basic role in its foreign policy: foreign domination and domestic dis-integration. These issues, while are too intertwined, come from ottoman/Turkish peculiar geopolitics. These two issues has made western inclination a dominant and permanent character in turkey’s foreign policy in recent decades. Of course, keeping turkey as a strategic partner has been very important for western powers to contain their adversaries.

Abstract Abstract Today the importance of soft power, since of the developed process of globalization and rapid reduction of the role of hard power peered. In the international relations, more than before in order to access foreign policy targets of each country. The country of India since of enjoying history and civilization of several thousand years old, and the existence of different religions and cultures have had a potential for accessing soft power which has manifested in the form of foreign policy, political values and culture of this country. This article attempts to tell again about chances and also challenges which India is facing, in order to ever more access to soft power which would be in order to gain access to national goals of this country.

Abstract In recent years china has been an important actor in world affairs and tries to use diplomacy to achieve its goals. While, china focuses on public diplomacy because of its negative image near world public opinion that consider China as an economic threat. China in the way to improve its negative image works on public perception and tries to influence various nations to change its negative image and reconstruct its identity.

Abstract this article after reviewing history of Muslim brotherhood movement as an introduction, tries to explain status of this movement in Islamic awakening and its role in the future foreign policy of Egypt. The main question of author is that: what is the status and role of Muslim brotherhood movement in recent upheavals in Egypt? And how this movement could play a positive role in recent awakening developments and even take the office of presidency, despite brutal and heavy strokes by the Mubarak regime? Author, as his main argument, tries to evaluate and estimate foreign policy of Egypt in strategic issues such as Palestine, relations with Israel, relations with USA and relations with Iran.