Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract This article seeks to systematically survey the logic of unstable alliances in the Middle East after the Arab revolutions. On what basis do the governments of the Middle East enter into alliances with each other and what variables influence their fluid-forming coalition behavior? Contrary to mainstream approaches to explaining the nature of alliances, variables such as balance of power, anarchy, identity, and external threats alone are unable to understand the empirical mechanisms and complexities of Middle Eastern governments' unifying behavior. Using theories of alliance in international relations, the present paper proposes an integrated framework of "regime security" as an alternative approach to survey the roots of alliance in the Middle East. Despite the changes in the international and regional environment, the main interests of each of the Middle Eastern governments are still to ensure the survival and security of their political regime. Indeed, the foreign relations and alliance options of Middle Eastern governments are based on their dynamic action to secure the ruling regime in the face of potential internal and external threats. Under such circumstances, alliances are formulated as transnational coalitions between potential allies to ensure the survival of political regimes. For test of the main idea of the article, case studies of regional alliances in the Middle East is discussed.

Abstract  
This article seeks to provide a systematic understanding of tension in US-Turkish relations by creating a link between structural changes in the international system and changes in a declining hegemon relationship with an emerging regional power in the Middle East. The hypothesis of the paper is that the instability in US-Turkish relations is the output of the transition from the post-Cold American order to the post-American disorder in the geopolitics of the Middle East. Indeed, the shift in the balance of international power has changed US leaders' perceptions of America's Middle East role and reduced its strategic commitment to shaping the region's geopolitical order. This has changed Ankara's perception of Turkey's Middle East role and pursuing independent strategies to redefine its status as an order-maker regional power. Therefore, the collision of Middle Eastern roles of the two traditional allies in the context of transition in international system can explain the logic of tension and instability in US-Turkish relations. Role theory is the theoretical framework of this paper upon which changing the role of exterior actor in a region results in a different social structure in the geopolitical order of that region and consequently change in the role of regional powers.
 

Abstract The purpose of this article is to study the concepts of balance and stability in Russia's Middle East policy and the resulting threats and benefits for Iran. In the author's view, Moscow believes that establishing balance and strategic stability at two levels could help secure its long-term interests, given its limited resources and regional dynamics, particularly the potential of regional instability and threats spilling over fast to adjacent areas and the international stage. Balancing relations with the United States and contributing to efforts aimed at forging balanced relations between regional powers are the two principles of balance at the regional level that Russia is following to achieve its major aim of ensuring strategic stability. Although cooperation with the United States as part of Russia's macro policy of balance and stability within the framework of global governance creates certain restrictions for Iran, some aspects of it, including the deterrence it provides against destabilizing moves by the United States and its allies, are in line with Tehran's interests.
 
 

Abstract If we categorize ineffective states into weak, fragile, and failed states, it becomes clear that in the 20th century, Africa was home to most failed states, weakness and fragile states were in the Middle East and Latin America. But since the beginning of the 21st century, weak Middle Eastern states have been on a downward spiral toward becoming failed states in such a way that now three out of 10 failed states, namely Iraq, Syria, and Yemen, are in the Middle East. The present article seeks to identify the determining factors in this transition. The findings of the study shows that out of five causes of state failure, corruption and plundering by the government and reform crisis are common to the three mentioned countries. These two causes, coupled with unique factors in each country (intensification of religion and ethnic conflicts in Iraq, the decline in the power of democratic processes in Syria, and the war in Yemen) have led to them becoming failed states.
 
 

Abstract This article will focus on the economic impact of terrorism in the Middle East and analysis the manner of terrorism affected on economic issues and trends in the region. The article main question is how terrorism has affected on economic situation in the Middle East? Terrorism is a destructive phenomenon and has negative effects and consequences on different functional sectors and spheres including economy. According to this Assumption, the article hypothesis is that terrorism has imposed a significant costs on the Middle East region by destruction the physical, humanitarian, social and cultural infrastructures and also increasing the uncertainty and created a security-oriented condition. That’s helped to continuity of backwardness in this region.
 
 

Abstract This article tries to discuss this question: What is the nature of alliances and coalition in Middle East as one of the important and strategic and more conflicting regions of the world? Could we speak about the nature of alliances in Middle East as a constitution of a collective identity based on constitutive and regulatory norms like western alliances? Could we consider that identity has a low effect on alliances and instead balance of power and threat have the main role in making of Mideast alliances? Authors, as their hypothesis, contrary to Barnett view which claims the nature of alliances in Mideast is based on identity similarities, argue that alliances in Mideast is dependent on state interests and emerge from regional balance of power and as a tool to counter threats.  

Abstract Strategic culture affects statesmen, elite attitudes and even the whole public perception and has the capacity to determine behaviors and actions of them in different areas. So knowing the constituting elements of state identity, among them the strategic culture, has a good role in understanding state actions, especially great powers like china and U.S.A. This article tries to distinguish constitutive components of strategic culture of U.S. and china and claim that U.S culture is offensive and Chinese one has defensive character. Authors try to compare tow cases and describe similarities and differences of them; at last they explain these cultures impacts on U.S. and china Middle East policy.  

Abstract Middle East and Arab world observers and analysts have been confused by rapid and chainlike spread of Arab world revolutions. This article argues that neo-patrimonialism, as Hisham Sharabi says, is the forming factor behind these events. Meanwhile, despite similarities among Arab governments, we see some differences in factors like presence of civil society institutions, global links and communications of regimes, personality of Arab autocrat leaders, intervention or non-intervention of great powers and social formation (tribal or non-tribal) of countries. These differences are among determining factors of state interaction with people and protestors. Authors claim that the less patrimonial and the more democratic   state will decrease   violent and rough interactions between state and people.

Abstract

The main goal of this paper is to study the influence of the Salafi discourse in the Islamic world on the security in theMiddle Eastand like the Baabi Sa’eid’s approach towards the political Islam, the author uses the discourse methodology in this paper. Due to its radical position against the secular western discourse, the Salafi Islam has caused grave concerns for the international society. This discourse, given to its challenges against the western international order and moving forward the Islam – identity based approach, has drawn great attention under the issue of globalization of security and therefore, Salafi Islam has been one of the important topics in the international security studies. In this way, the hypothesis of this paper is as follows: “given the origins of the Salafi Islam discourse in theMiddle East, and in the light of its proliferation in the world, the security of this region has been globalized”. With the globalization of the security, discourses like the Salafi Islam has appeared in the virtual spatial and therefore its security readings have been much more visible in the literature. Wherever the Salafi Islam matches with the globalization, we will witness greater promotion and spread of an epistemology which believes that the Western discourse cannot provide proper security.

Abstract To be channel between The East and The West, its energy resources, its political structures, its Imperialistic experiences and its cultural contradictions with the world, put theMiddle Eastinto realistic context and fabricated by state, national and regional security than the human security and they overlaid it. It argues that this situation didn't achieve the peace and stability for the region. Making up for lost time, empowering and protecting the human issues entail to be though the channel state security and human development. The paper is examining political reforms, economic and demographic problems, energy issues and modern technology in the Middle Eastern as human developments or freedom from needs and so discussing theIraqcrisis, nuclear proliferations, terrorism andPalestine-Israelconflict as main human security or freedom from fear in theMiddle East. And the last make some suggestions for the current fabric of the region.

Abstract linked to the heterogeneous political identities of the two sides. In this way, the role ofIsraelas an apprehensive variable is very important, because, neither the Islamic Republic of Iran is ready to acceptIsraelas an actor in the region, nor theUScan be indifferent towards the threats and pressures ofIranagainst its long life ally,Israel. It is specially the case due to the Jewish society in theUSas the main important lobby group in the country which is completely effective on decision making in the field of foreign policy including the US Middle East policy. Nowadays, theUSaccusations againstIran, including preventing the peace process in the Middle East, acquiring weapons of mass destruction, harboring terrorism and breach of human rights and democracy are strongly linked with security ofIsrael.  Therefore, although a limited cooperation betweenIranand theUSis possible at the tactical level, but as long as the current interaction between theUSandIsraelgoes on, normalization of theIran–USrelations would be impossible.