Strategic Studies Quarterly

Abstract
Introduction
Although the concept of sustainable security was explicitly introduced for the first time in the General Policies of the Fifth Development Plan of the Islamic Republic of Iran, its underlying principles had long been reflected in the country's constitutional, legal, and policy frameworks. This study examines the conceptualization of sustainable security across Iran’s major policy documents, including the Constitution, the Iran Vision 1404 Document, the First through Fifth Development Plans, and the General Policies of the Fifth, Sixth, and Seventh Development Plans.
Drawing on the theoretical and empirical literature, the study identifies the components, indicators, and security reference objects associated with sustainable security and classifies them into four dimensions: political-social, economic, security-defense, and environmental. In this context, security reference objects encompass both human beings and other human-centered entities that become subjects of security concerns, as well as the conditions and environments in which they exist. The study seeks to answer the following question: How do the macro-level documents of the Islamic Republic of Iran conceptualize sustainable security and the measures required to sustain it?
Methodology
This research adopts an exploratory qualitative approach. The content, themes, security reference objects, components, and indicators of sustainable security embedded in accessible macro-level documents were examined through textual and content analysis. Following their identification, the extracted concepts and categories were systematically classified according to their structural and substantive similarities. The resulting framework organizes sustainable security into four principal dimensions: political-social, economic, security-defense, and environmental. The concepts of security and sustainability were further interpreted through thematic analysis.
Findings and Discussion
The findings indicate that although the term sustainable security appears explicitly only in the General Policies of the Fifth Development Plan, its core themes are evident throughout other major policy documents. The analysis reveals that the political-social dimension receives the greatest emphasis, followed by the economic and security-defense dimensions, while environmental considerations receive comparatively limited attention.
A similar pattern is observed regarding the situational aspects of sustainable security. Although the documents contain references to sustaining conditions and managing their interrelationships, this dimension remains insufficiently developed. Furthermore, the dominant perspective underlying security-sustaining measures appears to assume relatively stable conditions rather than dynamic, evolving, and potentially turbulent environments. Given the increasing complexity and uncertainty of contemporary security challenges, this assumption may limit the effectiveness of long-term security policies.
Conclusion
The sustainability of security has become an increasingly strategic concern in light of wars, social unrest, rapid technological transformations, and the emergence of new forms of political and social change. While Iran’s macro-level policy documents acknowledge the importance of sustainable security, their treatment of the concept lacks sufficient conceptual clarity and comprehensiveness. A more systematic understanding of sustainable security can help address existing shortcomings in policymaking and implementation. Moreover, the continuous adaptation of policies and programs to changing security conditions is essential for maintaining and enhancing sustainable security.

Abstract  
 
Introduction
The southern parts of Kerman Province represent a strategically important and semi-border area that faces long-standing security challenges. Its proximity to Afghanistan and Pakistan, along with its considerable distance from the provincial capital, has contributed to persistent instability. The roots of insecurity in this region lie largely in internal issues—such as weak local governance, the center–periphery divide, the spread of illegal networks, and the dominance of the shadow economy—rather than in purely external threats.
Therefore, security in southern Kerman is multidimensional and deeply interconnected, where political, military, social, and economic factors overlap and cannot easily be separated.
 
Methodology
This study adopts a qualitative and structural approach within a systemic analytical framework. The MICMAC method (Cross-Impact Matrix Multiplication Applied to Classification) was used to identify key variables and map their interrelations.
The research sample included 50 local elites, such as governors, judges, journalists, and social–political activists. Participants were selected through purposeful sampling and theoretical saturation to ensure comprehensive and reliable data.
 
Findings and Discussion
1. Driving Variables

The penetration of local political groups into the informal and smuggling-based economy
The instrumental use of local forces within smuggling-related security structures
The normalization of violence due to the widespread use of illegal weapons
The interaction of military personnel with organized crime networks
The outmigration of elites and recruitment of youth into informal groups

2. Dependent Variables

High sensitivity to national security reforms and policies
The dual and sometimes conflicting roles of military and police forces
The significant influence of tribal leaders and ethnic elites in local governance

3. Independent Variables

Lack of strong local political parties and legal channels for participation
Public distrust toward security and judicial institutions
Limited political awareness among local elites

4. Regulatory Variables

Weak representation at the national political level
Elections used as tools to legitimize corrupt structures
Ethnic grievances and structural discrimination
Unequal distribution of political and security resources

 
Conclusion
Reforming the political–military security structure in southern Kerman requires comprehensive change across political, security, social and cultural dimensions. Sustainable stability depends on institutional coherence and transparency, active participation of citizens and local elites, rebuilding judicial and security institutions, and reducing the influence of informal networks and black-market economies.
MICMAC analysis reveals that the region’s security system is structurally unstable, characterized by complex, nonlinear relationships among variables. This instability is marked by:

Multidirectional and intersecting linkages—for example, between smuggling networks, political institutions, and security corruption—that defy linear policy solutions.
High centralization and interdependence—changes in one variable can trigger unpredictable chain reactions across the system.
Absence of stabilizing variables, making reform efforts difficult and requiring a holistic, system-wide approach.

According to MICMAC rankings, the three most influential drivers of instability are:

Penetration of local political actors into smuggling networks (Score: 490) – linking formal institutions with fuel and drug trafficking mafias, forming the nucleus of systemic corruption.
Instrumental use of local security forces by smuggling groups (Score: 459) – transforming local actors into enforcers of informal order, eroding social cohesion.
Normalization of violence and proliferation of illegal arms (Score: 440) – embedding violence into daily life and creating a culture of fear that undermines human security.

The most vulnerable dependent variables under these unstable conditions are:

Infiltration of official intelligence systems by corruption (Score: 477)
Dual and conflicting roles of security and military forces (Score: 440)
Mismatch between national security policy and border realities (Score: 428) – particularly due to the influx of undocumented migrants from the eastern borders.

Overall, these findings point to a systemic failure of formal institutions to fulfill their core functions, leaving southern Kerman exposed to threats from informal networks and illegal cross-border activities.

Abstract Introduction
Discussions of security have evolved along two main paths in the United States and Europe.
American scholars have generally adopted a problem-solving approach, developing theories within the frameworks of offensive and defensive realism, constructivism, and debates over the relative roles of power and institutions in maintaining order.
In contrast, Europeans—drawing on critical theory and emancipatory thought—have explored security through the lenses of critical security studies, feminism, the Copenhagen School, the Paris School, and post-structuralism.
In short, one tradition seeks to achieve security and prevent conflict within the existing international framework, while the other views that very framework as a source of insecurity and instability.
Since the 1980s, the growing influence of constructivist interpretations has helped bridge this divide. In this view, security is seen as distinct from both peace and power, and is understood as a relational concept that evolves through social interaction. Anarchy is conceived as a spectrum that must pass through its stages—from infancy to maturity and old age. Security, likewise, is understood as a relational discourse situated between the discourse of pure power and that of authentic social engagement.
Building on this theoretical foundation, this study examines the security structure of West Asia, which is marked by exclusivity, volatility, institutional fragility, and a tendency toward violence. It argues that the region remains trapped in a state of immature anarchy, where competition, mistrust and security dilemmas dominate and structural underdevelopment prevents the establishment of lasting peace.
This analysis is guided by two main questions:

What factors explain the persistence of this immature security structure?
How might it evolve toward a more mature and stable order?

The study adopts the view that security structures are not purely material or power-based but are also social constructs—shaped by shared knowledge, norms, and interactions. Accordingly, the regional order in West Asia results from both the distribution of power and patterns of social relations among its main actors.
 
Methodology
Questions such as “What is security?”, “How can it be achieved?”, and “At what level should it be constructed?” have produced a wide range of theoretical answers—from realism to critical theory. Similarly, debates over whether competition or cooperation dominates the international system—and over what constitutes the security referent object, security agent, and security model—have given rise to competing paradigms.
This study adopts a hybrid and integrative approach that seeks to bridge these divides. For this, it introduces a new conceptual framework—the Critical Non-Democratic Peace Model—based on the idea that the international system has shifted from a distributive to a multiplicative structure. In such a system, traditional theoretical frameworks are no longer sufficient to explain evolving dynamics. Therefore, we must either develop new theoretical perspectives or combine existing ones to capture this complexity.
To this end, the paper integrates insights from four major traditions:

Democratic Peace Theory
Holistic Constructivism
Critical Theory
Structural Realism

A mixed-method approach, combining qualitative and quantitative methods and relying on both library and online resources, is used to support the analysis.
 
Findings and Discussion
A central question in security studies has long been how peace emerges and under what conditions it can be sustained. In the context of West Asia, this question becomes even more pressing: Why has peace remained elusive in this region? Are the sources of instability internal, structural, or both? Does the absence of democratic governance explain the recurring conflicts—or is democracy itself irrelevant to regional security?
Drawing on the Critical Non-Democratic Peace Theory, this study argues that the key obstacle to stability in West Asia is the absence of a shared understanding of balance among the region’s main powers. Sustainable peace, therefore, does not depend primarily on a state’s political system—democratic or otherwise—but rather on whether regional actors can reach a mutual conception of equilibrium in their relations.
 
Conclusion
This research challenges the assumptions of Democratic Peace Theory, which holds that peace is achievable only among democratic states. The findings show that the four major powers in West Asia—Iran, Saudi Arabia, Turkey, and Israel—each operate according to different logics of balance:

Iran: Balance of identity
Turkey: Balance of interests
Israel: Balance of threat
Saudi Arabia: Balance of power

Because these actors lack a common understanding of balance, their interactions are marked by persistent misperceptions, mistrust, and conflict.
The study further distinguishes between different types of peace:

A balance of power produces a fragile, fear-based peace.
A balance of interests leads to a more stable, institutionalized peace built on mutual benefits and interests.
A balance of threat or identity generates a normatively grounded peace—though the former is civic and democratic, while the latter tends to be ideological or sectarian.

Ultimately, the paper concludes that peace is not exclusive to democratic systems. Even non-democratic regions such as West Asia can achieve peace—provided that their leading states develop a shared sense of balance, regardless of the specific form that balance takes.
 

Abstract Introduction
Understanding and addressing social and security issues today requires a deep and fundamental theoretical analysis based on dominant paradigms. This paper focuses on the ideas of Émile Durkheim and Jacques Derrida to compare how social and security issues are viewed from modern and postmodern paradigms. The main goal is to explore how social problems turn into security crises and to examine how these issues are understood, explained, and addressed within the frameworks of these two distinguished thinkers. This study also aims to offer a combined model that can be useful for current security policymaking.
Methodology
The study employs a qualitative method with a comparative and discourse analysis approach. Key concepts such as order, threat, cohesion, exclusion, and insecurity are explored through the works of Durkheim and Derrida. The analysis is structured around three steps—identifying, explaining, and addressing —to better understand the connection between social and security issues in both modern and postmodern paradigms. The main data comes from classic texts in sociology and political philosophy, analyzed conceptually.
Discussion and Results
According to Durkheim, social problems become security crises when social institutions fail to perform their roles and social cohesion weakens. Therefore, security depends on institutional order and social solidarity. His solutions focus on gradually reforming economic structures and strengthening intermediate institutions. On the other hand, Derrida sees security as a fluid, language-based, and discursive construct that is constantly reshaped through interaction with the Other and opposing categories like safe/risky. He warns that excessive securitization can lead to excluding others, structural violence, and creating more insecurity. Derrida’s method of deconstruction helps reveal contradictions within dominant discourses and exposes how exclusion and power operate in security processes. In short, Durkheim emphasizes objectivity and institution, while Derrida rethinks security in terms of meaning, difference, and accepting the Other.
Conclusion
The findings suggest that combining Durkheim’s and Derrida’s perspectives provides a comprehensive framework for analyzing security and shaping policies. Durkheim focuses on the function of social institutions and economic reform, while Derrida highlights the need to rethink closed security discourses and be open to differences and otherness. Together, their views offer policymakers a flexible, justice-oriented strategy for dealing with social and security challenges. Finally, the study stresses the importance of avoiding unnecessary securitization, accepting ontological insecurity, and building resilient social institutions to ensure sustainable security.

Abstract Introduction While it may seem that ancient thinkers didn't explicitly discuss the concept of security in isolation, the constant concern for security among humankind ensured it was addressed in their works, albeit using different terminology. For example, the authors of "Andarznameh" (political Books of Advice) were focused on preserving governance and kingship. This paper, through a case study of Siyar al-Muluk (also known as Siyasatnameh/Book of Politics) by Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk, aims to reconstruct the "logic of politics" as understood by these thinkers. By exploring their "intellectual world," we seek to show what meanings the themes associated with the contemporary concept of "security" could have held within their framework and worldview.   Methodology Analyzing the ideas in Siyar al-Muluk, it's clear that Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk identified three main pillars of security: the king (malik), the kingdom (mulk), and the realm (mamlakat). These three elements form an interconnected whole. The concept of justice (adl) for Khwaja wasn't just about modern-day fairness; it included this tripartite framework. Under this notion of justice, values like moderation, adherence to traditions, avoiding religious innovation, oversight of officials' performance, defending against enemy threats, and avoiding extravagance were crucial. Khwaja's idea of "good kingship" was a well-ordered system where everything had its place. In this system, all officials were chosen based on merit and capability, and the king would intervene if any deviation or misconduct was detected. This "ideal" state or "good times" was synonymous with a "just kingship," ensuring the well-being of the subjects and the prosperity of the world. Any departure from this justice was seen as a path to decline and downfall.   Discussion and Results From Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk's perspective, all forms of policymaking are intrinsically tied to security policymaking, as the ultimate goal is to preserve power, governance, and kingship. Security policymaking focused on preventing threats from emerging, neutralizing them in their early stages, and eliminating any actual and critical threats. It seems that Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk identified three main types of threats: 1) threats from foreign enemies and rival kings; 2) "hard" threats from internal enemies, which he often referred to as "Khawarij"; and 3) threats arising from "deviation from justice," or in modern terms, system malfunctions or dysfunctions. It seems that Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk devised strategies to counter each type of threat. For external threats, he emphasized the need for a ready army and the expenses for maintaining it, a well-stocked treasury, the king paying soldiers' salaries, keeping subjects content, and showcasing the Sultan's majesty and greatness. According to Khwaja, internal "hard" threats, like uprisings and rebellions, stemmed from the gradual growth of latent or invisible "soft" threats. These were often caused by the spread of false religions and bad beliefs, which laid the groundwork for rebellion and sedition against the government. To counter these threats, Khwaja recommended continuous examination of religious affairs, strengthening true religion, purging the government and bureaucracy of heretical influence, and combating the Khawarij and heretics. When it comes to the third aspect of security, maintaining "justice," he highlighted several necessities: fulfilling royal duties and establishing good governance, preserving and expanding desirable royal qualities, continuously overseeing officials' work and punishing misconduct, preventing multiple job holdings, avoiding delegation of authority without supervision, creating and maintaining a network of informants, ensuring subjects’ access to the Sultan, monitoring and supervising the army, and basing jobs and titles on merit.   Conclusion While the modern concept of security isn't explicitly outlined in Siyar al-Muluk, it serves as the cornerstone and unifying thread connecting the various aspects of Khwaja Nizam al-Mulk's intellectual framework. This perspective sheds new light on his intellectual world.

Abstract Introduction Today, due to the expansion of human societies and the complexities in human behavior and relationships, the concept of security has become broader and more complex. According to Friedman, the simplest idea of security is the absence of anxiety and the ability to counter any potential threat from others. In line with this concept, in the later stages of Western society, the states envisioned by Hobbes and Locke emerged to provide security for citizens under the social contract. In the East, political thought texts, such as the Letter of Tansar, also discuss governance styles and the application of security. Based on existing documents, one of the duties of governments in the Iranian Empire was to establish and maintain security. During the Sassanid Era, they were able to reunite Iranian society and, by relying on the Ahuric principles of the Zoroastrian religion, establish order and security. Therefore, in the Sassanid state, security was grounded in religious legitimacy, which can be observed in the political Books of Advice of that era, including the Letter of Tansar. Based on this, the present paper, utilizing Quentin Skinner's interpretive approach, seeks to answer the question: What is the meaning and concept of security in the Letter of Tansar?   Methodology This study is organized around Skinner's interpretive approach and John Morrow's teleology-legitimacy model. Skinner finds textual and contextual readings insufficient for understanding political texts. He believes that, in addition to reading the text and considering its context, one must also understand the author's intention and purpose. In addition, Morrow's model, which stands as one of the most credible philosophical approaches for understanding the political order governing human societies, aims to identify the goals and functions of a political system. To achieve this, he specifies criteria to serve as a basis for political evaluation and norm-setting.   Discussion and Results The most compelling evidence for the security-centric nature of the Letter of Tansar lies in its association of religion and kingship. The letter asserts that the alignment of these two elements results in security, justice, and public satisfaction. Tansar further emphasizes that the structure and organization of social classes form the foundation of societal security. He adds that the breakdown of the social and hereditary class system leads to insecurity, attributing this disorder to the absence of a king. Political and social security, governmental security, economic security, and religious security are among the most critical issues addressed in the Letter of Tansar. He views the monarchy and the king as the security referent objects and the ones responsible for ensuring it. Just as he believes in one God, he envisions a centralized system with a single king. Thus, based on the doctrine of one God and one ruler, He considers Ardashir to be the only individual capable of aligning earthly order with divine order through his possession of divine grace, thereby establishing security.   Conclusion Drawing on the teachings of Zoroastrianism and the concept of Asha, Tansar highlights three crucial elements: cosmic order, true religion, and social order. He uses Zoroaster's ideas as the basis for establishing legitimate security in society. Tansar places the king at the pinnacle of society, responsible for maintaining security. He believes that the government's and the king's legitimacy stems from divine grace, which cannot be challenged. Tansar asserts that disrupting the earthly order - connected to the divine order - leads to various security risks, and the king must address these issues, even if it involves the killing of many people. Overall, the Letter of Tansar offers several recommendations for enhancing security in society through the legitimate rule of a religious king, resulting in the public good and the elimination of security threats. Key security issues in the letter include maintaining social order, responsibility, the vital role of the king, religion's role in legitimizing the government, utilizing secret operatives to oversee society, punishing offenders, and confronting heresy and religious innovations.

Abstract This paper, by studying the nature of "cultural security", will explain this concept theoretically from the perspective of the conceptual relationship between culture and security. The assumption of the article is that cultural security cannot be understood as a concept or even a phenomenon, unless you recognize and represent the different layers of the conceptual relationship between "culture" and "security". In response to this main question, the conceptual processing of this article shows that the elements and components that form and constitute security are mainly cultural. Elements and components such as mental, linguistic, semantic, discursive, conceptual, perceptual, emotional, psychological and moral aspects of security are among these and without them, the development, change and continuation of security will be impossible. In this article, after defining the concepts of culture and security in the introduction, the author will discuss the different aspects of the conceptual relationship between culture and security with an emphasis on culture as an independent variable. As a result of this processing, the author, as the hypothesis of the article, in four specific proportions; like "culture as one of the dimensions and parts of security"; "Culture as a referential subject of security"; "Culture as the shape of the security environment" and "Culture as a source of security threats" have been mentioned.

Abstract The main purpose of this article is to evaluate the results and findings of research projects that have been conducted under the common title of "Problems of Progress and Security of the Province". These projects have been carried out in 11 provinces between 2018 and 2020. Methodologically, all these studies have used the method of in-depth interviews, interaction matrix and review of documents such as land management document of the province. Their analysis method has been based on the qualitative research strategy of structural analysis. In this article, the meta synthesis qualitative analysis method has been used to review the findings of this research. the result of this evaluation indicates that on average, each province had 74 main problems and each study identified 10 main problems as the most influential factors. A comparative look at these top 10 problems of the provinces shows that about 63% of the first problems of the provinces are common, and there is the problem of "inefficiency of the provincial management system" is a common challenge of more than 90% of the provinces, followed by corruption is the second major challenge.

Abstract Examining the documents of education system shows that institutionalizing of national interests is one of the goals set for this system. This research is an applied research from the objective perspective, which was conducted using descriptive and content analysis method. The statistical population of the research included the textbooks of the first year of high school, which were examined and analyzed using purposeful sampling of five titles and fourteen book volumes, including Social Studies, Culture and Art, Lifestyle, Farsi, and Theology in the seventh, eighth, and ninth grades. The findings of the research indicate that among the five main dimensions of national interests in all the selected books, Ideological Interests with 49.4%, Political and Social Interests with 32.5%, Welfare and Economic Interests with 9.6% and Defense and Security interests with 8.2% are prioritized. Also, the least attention related to interests was directed to the international system with 0.3%.

Abstract The main question of the article is what is the good and appropriate basic discourse of the national security governance in the Islamic Republic of Iran, which can establish security in this system with the least cost, paradox and undesirable consequences? In response, the author argues that among the four discourses of "identity-based", "progress-based", "power-based" and "security-based", the basic and central discourse that is suitable for the Islamic Republic of Iran is the discourse of "identity Is the "basis" or identity. This central hypothesis or proposition of the article means that the pursuit of progress, equipping with power and building security is only in the light of the development of identity and belief that can bring maximum security in the Islamic Republic of Iran with minimum cost, paradox and adverse consequences. Of course, it is important that identity should be considered as the first and main priority which means that identity is not in the service of power, security and progress and is given priority over them. In this sense, turning away from the ideals of the Islamic Revolution of Iran, or in other words, secularization; means a situation in which identity serves power, security and progress or acquires a secondary status in terms of importance. In this case, even security will be fragile and unsustainable.

Abstract The IRI Foreign policy usually assumed as an apparent and coherent concept. This paper will show that IRI foreign policy is a floating signifier and always there have been serious discursive conflicts about its signification. By focusing on signification of "security" in opponent discourses in IRI foreign policy, present article will show that during IRI, there have been a fundamental contradict between two main discourses, i.e. cooperative and counter-hegemonic discourses. In fact, their articulations of security are absolutely different from each other, especially in relation to international order. The first one that was embodied in fifth and sixth states after Iran-Iraq war (then in seventh and eighth and after an interruption, in eleventh states, in updated versions) regarded international economic and political cooperation as a main way to security. In contrast, the opposite discourse that is mainly embodied in ninth and tenth states, under the presidency of Dr Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, considered resistance against international order, the real way to security. Precisely Speaking, these two opposite significations of security can't be reconciled in one signifier at the same time. So, the signifier took opposite meanings periodically.
 
 

Abstract The Zionist extremists' different interpretations of political decisions and their approaches and ideas on how to deal with domestic issues have been challenging for its political structure since the establishment of the Zionist regime. This article examines the nature, extent and type of extremist challenge for this regime and the approach of the political structure in dealing with them. The main question is: what kind of extremists is the most important challenges for the Zionist regime and what is the approach of the regime political structure in response to it? The hypothesis is that the "pragmatic right-wing extremists" have created the most important challenges for the Zionist regime and the political structure has selected the policy of selective confrontation in response to them; Taken some of them seriously and neglected others. The findings show that the extremists' current challenge to the political structure of the Zionist regime has diminished; Because they reorganize themselves within the framework of dynamic parties and are compatible with the political climate, in order to effectively influence the decision-making space of this regime and thus pursue their interests.

Abstract Securitizing theory is one of the most widely used and controversial contemporary security theories that has been used by researchers to explain various security phenomena and actions. This article seeks to apply and implement this theory in the field of neglected and less used internal security by examining a case study of securitizing social networks in the Islamic Republic of Iran based on the library-documentary research method. While acknowledging that securitizing internal issues are more difficult than external issues, the author believes that issues such as the multiplicity of decision-making actors and ambiguity in the competence of security-building actors, poor framing and proper depiction of threats, neglection or lack of attention to social context, audience diversity, inadequate policy-making and Desecuritizing are the most important factors that has challenged securitizing of social networks in the Islamic Republic of Iran.

Abstract The extent and quality of people's piety is of strategic importance in Iranian society, which has a traditional cultural-religious context and Islamic rule, and its changes can have security consequences. This article attempts to map the trend of Iranian piety during the years 2009 to 2019 and show the changes that have taken place and examine the security consequences of these changes. Findings show that in the above period, there has been no significant change in the level of religiosity of the Iranian people, but the type of piety has shifted from Shari'a-centered to emotional religion. Although this kind of change does not seem dangerous, an increase in emotional piety may have security consequences, including a change in public reference groups, an increase in religious sects, a decrease in the influence of the clergy, and a weakening of the religious authority and authority of the Vali-Faqih.

Abstract Formation of the concept of security in Iran, in the most obvious way possible in the constitutionalism era, if not started, at least must be said to have peaked and evolved with a wide range and intensity in the historical-political developments of this land; In a way that in the fifth decade of the Islamic Revolution, a deeper and more comprehensive understanding of it in the form of security governance has been the basis for scholars to study. However, the concept of security can be traced back to ancient times, when the term was an unknown and unfamiliar phenomenon in theology. The concept of security in this context, in its simple sense, means, order, stability, caution from anxiety and danger emanating from the ruling apparatus. Organizing the relationship between the state or government and the subjects (citizens), or in the post-constitutionalism -the nation- with the aim of expanding the power of the Shah and the continuation of his powerful monarchy, has been an important turning point in the cognitive thinking of security in the Iranian intellectual system.

Abstract The purpose of this article is to explain the existential threat of Zionist regime's sport
in international arena for Iran. From the perspective of purpose, the findings of this
article are practical and from the perspective of data collection, they are desk review.
They show that the sport of the Islamic Republic of Iran, after more than four decades
of not confronting the representatives of the Zionist regime in various fields, is now
facing an important challenge. According to the increasing investment of this regime
in different sport fields to gain more international prestige and performance, in coming
years, Iranian sport will face many challenges due to the presence of Israeli athletes
especially in Iran's medal-winning arenas such as wrestling, weight-lifting, judo and
etc. So, taking appropriate measures at the present time to deal with this problem can
prevent future crises for Iranian sports. Aligning Muslim countries with its approach
and goals, justifying international sports institutions using the experiences of other
countries, and distinguishing between "playing" and "recognition" are some
suggestions made by the author of this article.

Abstract  
National awareness is a fundamental factor in ensuring territorial security. National consciousness arises when a public perception of the public good and security of a land is realized. Among the important factors that have influenced the process of formation of public good and security in modern Europe are the national governments. National governments have been the product of new attitudes that have dominated national, customary, and local historiography more than anything else. Accordingly, the purpose of this article is to show the impact of national historiography on the formation of the national state in the late Middle Ages with emphasis on the concept of security and public good of the nation. The main question of the article is what effect has the new style of national historiography on the formation and continuation of intergovernmental national governments? The hypothesis of the article is that addressing the issue of the nation in new historiographies has caused the concept of the nation and the preservation of security and the realization of its public good to be in the center of attention and provide the necessary material for the government.
 
 

Abstract Securitization is depended to the context of the “Security Problem”. Transition of the environment from a normal issue to the political and security ones has made Nordic's security model as a new model. The research hypothesis is that the environmental threats in the Nordic have first transitioned from the public Sphere (the normal) into the political and security Sphere and then, through the four processes of security policy-making, security strategy, political capital, and actors' consensus become a part of the social life of citizens.
 

Abstract Today, non-traditional security threats, including water scarcity and flood are one of the most important issues that have caused concern in different parts of the world. However, it is not just the physical dimension of the water which worries the countries, but the political aspect of water also posing a threat to different regions of the world so that today countries link water challenges to their national security. One of those areas facing threats on trans-boundary waters is South Asia. Pakistan is one of the countries in South Asia which has linked its shared waters with India to its national security and securitized Indian water activities on the Indus river. Therefore, this paper intends to examine Pakistan’s activities on the securitization of India’s water activities on the Indus River through theory of securitization. The findings of this study show that Pakistani actors have used linguistic structures, including framing and metaphor, to securitize their shared river waters with India.
 

Abstract In this article, the negative aspects of an oil-dependent economy and the opportunities that the tourism industry can open up for the Islamic Republic of Iran have been discussed, and the implications of this issue for the country's national security have been reviewed. This research assumes that profits from Iran's tourism industry can be a suitable alternative to oil revenues and help the country move toward sustainable development, which is one of the main requirements of sustainable national security.
 
 

Abstract Archaism as a gradual and growing phenomenon in Iranian society have cultural, political, historical, and security implications. This articles seeks to answer how this phenomenon will impact the cultural-political security of the Islamic Republic of Iran. The authors argue that the Aryan archaism discourse is different than citizen-centered nationalism and can lead to a chaotic political-cultural structure. The reason is archaism discourse is an "interpretive reaction" and a "structure-breaking narrative", which provides a platform for delegitimization and identify reassessment through "framework building", "historicism" and "representation" and poses a threat to socio-political coherence and stability through promoting "resistance identity" and "heterotrophism".
 
 

Abstract Security studies falls within the realm of applied knowledge and has the potential to produce tangible results for the human society. These studies, when combined with historical security experiences, can rid the society of the need for repeated trial and errors in the field of security. Ibn Khaldun is one of the thinkers who addressed security issues and expressed his views on historical security experiences in his works. This article aims to provide an understanding of Ibn Khaldun's security discourse, which had never been the subject of a dedicated study. Drawing on Ibn Khaldun's theoretical principles in the fields of history and security, his security discourse has been studied here within a conceptual framework comprised of seven key components, namely the meaning of security, aspects of security, level of security, friends and enemies, ways to achieve security, and strategic security solutions. The most important finding of the present study is that there is a similarity between Ibn Khaldun's security discourse and the principles of the realist schools of thought as well as the security discourse currently prevailing in the Muslim world and that his security discourse has proved ineffective in creating lasting security in the Muslim world.
 
 

Abstract The study is aimed at investigating the attitude adopted by the Chinese toward the issue of security. The main question is what approach and methods China has employed in recent decades to provide security in the country. The researchers argue that the new generation of Chinese leaders have realized the ineffectiveness of a negative attitude to security in this era and have adopted a positive stance in this regard, which calls for a comprehensive security approach and cooperation with the international community to address security challenges and ensure security. This way they have managed to deal with many of domestic and foreign security challenges at a lower cost.
 
 

Abstract This article explores the factors that have led Germany to play a new and more serious security role in West Asia and looks at the threats and opportunities that such an approach presents for the Islamic Republic of Iran. For the purpose of this study, the authors have first examined Germany's foreign policy and the driving factors behind it and have then discussed the country's foreign policy in West Asia and the relevant determinants. The paper reviews Germany's security objectives in the region and the means to achieve them based on its macro policies such as its national security strategy in 2016. In the end, the implications of Berlin's role in West Asia for the Islamic Republic of Iran have been studied.
 
 

Abstract Conceptualization and the prism of the relationship between security and development have a great role in foreign policy making and its achievements or failures.  The paper argues that with the security agenda development and superiority of the positive security approach rather than negative approach, security and development has got a total positive sum and lack of one can pose a risk to the other. Therefore, foreign policy distance from a security basis on one hand, and to develop it on the basis of the two on the other hand is undeniable.
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