Introduction
In the political science literature, opposition is generally conceptualized as an endogenous political force that emerges from civil society and serves either to promote political reform or to constrain those in power. This understanding is rooted largely in the historical experience of liberal nation-states in the Global North and has often been extended to societies in the Global South without sufficient attention to their distinct historical, political, and structural contexts. Applying the concept of opposition to the Global South without accounting for structural inequalities in the international distribution of power, however, raises important analytical challenges.
Many countries in the Global South, particularly those subject to geopolitical confrontation, economic sanctions, political pressure, and external intervention, operate within a broader environment shaped by economic, financial, media, and security pressures exerted by dominant global powers. Under such circumstances, the boundary between autonomous political action and political activity facilitated or supported by external actors can become blurred.
This study is significant because overlooking the distinction between endogenous opposition and opposition aligned with dominant powers can lead to misinterpretations of political developments in the Global South and, consequently, to the formulation of misguided security strategies.
The central research question is whether opposition groups in the Global South invariably play an endogenous and emancipatory role or whether, in some contexts, they can become instruments through which structures of global domination are reproduced. The paper hypothesizes that, in some cases, particularly in countries engaged in strategic confrontation with dominant powers, opposition groups may reinforce rather than challenge structures of global domination. Through external institutional and financial ties, support for economic sanctions, and the acceptance or normalization of external pressure and military intervention, such groups may contribute to the reproduction of global structures of domination.
Methodology
This study employs a qualitative research approach and a comparative case-study design. Iran and Venezuela were purposively selected as cases of Global South states that have, in recent decades, been engaged in sustained strategic confrontation with the prevailing hegemonic order. Within each case, the analysis focuses on the political networks surrounding Reza Pahlavi in Iran and María Corina Machado in Venezuela.
The theoretical framework combines Southern Theory with the Gramscian concept of hegemony. As Raewyn Connell argues, Southern Theory challenges the uncritical universalization of concepts produced within the Global North and subsequently presented as universally applicable analytical tools. From this perspective, the analytical validity of political science concepts depends on their sensitivity to social context and structures of power.
Within critical International Relations scholarship, hegemony is understood as a relatively durable form of political order reproduced through the interaction of material capabilities, institutions, and the production of meaning. Drawing on Gramsci, Robert Cox argues that a hegemonic order becomes consolidated when the interests of dominant powers are articulated as universal norms and incorporated into what is perceived as political common sense.
To operationalize the distinction between endogenous opposition and opposition aligned with dominant powers, the study examines three dimensions: external institutional and financial ties; support for economic sanctions; and the acceptance or normalization of external political pressure and military intervention.
Findings and Discussion
The political network surrounding Reza Pahlavi in Iran. The analysis identifies extensive financial and institutional connections between actors within this network and Western political and governmental institutions, particularly in the United States and Israel. The Iran Revival group is openly aligned with Pahlavi's political agenda, while its leaders have made substantial financial contributions to Republican politicians in the United States. Pahlavi has also maintained close relations with hawkish think tanks in Washington. His public visit to Israel in April 2023 and meeting with Benjamin Netanyahu further illustrate his alignment with a major regional power. He has described economic sanctions as a legitimate means of weakening the Islamic Republic and supported the Trump administration's withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). Following the U.S. assassination of General Qassem Soleimani, he characterized the action as a “positive development.” During the 2025 war, he likewise described Israeli attacks on Iran as a “historic opportunity” for regime change.
The political network surrounding María Corina Machado in Venezuela. Machado's political ascent was accompanied from an early stage by material and institutional support from organizations aligned with U.S. foreign-policy interests. She was a co-founder of Súmate, which received financial support from the U.S. National Endowment for Democracy (NED), and was among those who signed the decree associated with the government formed during the 2002 coup attempt. Machado has also maintained close ties with the Atlas Network and was a guest of honor at the organization's Democracy Award ceremony in 2024. She has characterized international sanctions against Venezuela as a legitimate and necessary means of weakening the Maduro government. Since 2019, she has explicitly advocated activating a regional defense treaty as a basis for multinational military intervention against Maduro. In her communications with Netanyahu, she has also expressed support for Israeli policies during the Gaza war.
Conclusion
The comparative analysis of Iran and Venezuela suggests that certain opposition networks in the Global South may become aligned, through their political positions and external relationships, with mechanisms of pressure employed by dominant powers. Applying the three analytical indicators to the networks surrounding Reza Pahlavi and María Corina Machado reveals a significant degree of convergence, in the cases examined, between their political strategies and broader strategies of external pressure.
This finding should not be interpreted as implying that these groups are directly controlled by foreign actors or that the same pattern applies to opposition movements throughout the Global South. Rather, it underscores the importance of examining opposition groups simultaneously in relation to their domestic social environment and the unequal structure of global power, while avoiding broad generalizations.
Critically examining forms of opposition the Global South that become aligned with structures of domination does not entail denying the legitimacy of political dissent or justifying the conduct of incumbent governments. Rather, identifying the ways in which opposition groups may become aligned with global powers is essential to developing a more nuanced understanding of power, legitimacy, and political conflict in an unequal international order.